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The Tea Party and the Revival of Liberty
Posted By Bruce Bawer On April 24, 2012 @ 12:40 am In Daily Mailer,FrontPage | 38 Comments
On page 243 of his compelling new book , Covenant of Liberty: The Ideological Origins of the Tea Party, Michael Patrick Leahy recalls the memorable exchange, at a July 24, 2010, town meeting in California, between Democratic congressman Pete Stark and a constituent who asked about the constitutionality of ObamaCare. “I think,” said Stark, “that there are very few constitutional limits that would prevent the federal government from rules that could affect your private life.” When the constituent followed up – asking, “if they can do this, what can’t they? Is your answer that they can do anything?” – Stark’s reply was clear and unhesitant: “The federal government, yes, can do most anything in this country.”
Stark’s candid acknowledgment of the well-nigh unlimited scale of federal authority in the twenty-first century comes toward the end of an extremely absorbing account of how, exactly, we got to this point. Leahy begins his story in 17th-century England, where heroes of individual liberty battled the tyranny of Stuart kings and Puritan theocrats alike. Never heard of John Lilburne? John Wise? The Levellers (“the first significant grassroots political movement in Anglo-American history”)? Leahy makes it clear that every American schoolchild should know these names. He illuminatingly identifies the different philosophical traditions that went into America’s founding documents, noting that the critical second paragraph of the Declaration of Independence (“We hold these truths to be self-evident…”) is “the perfect blend of Locke, Protestant covenant theology, and the Ancient Constitution.” However much history you may think you know, you may actually find Leahy deepening your understanding of the Founding Fathers’ ideas and of their historical roots.
At the center of this book is the U.S. Constitution – and, especially, Article I, Section 8, which includes three clauses that have been broadly interpreted in such a way as to expand government powers: the “general welfare” clause (“The Congress shall have power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common defence and general Welfare of the United States”); the “necessary and proper” clause (“[The Congress shall have power] To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof”); and the commerce clause (“[The Congress shall have power] To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes”).
It is remarkable to reflect upon the fact that immense government agencies and onerous, life-destroying regulations have been constructed on the fragile foundation of these few words.
In Leahy’s story, the hero is Thomas Jefferson, whom Leahy views as a supporter of “the plain meaning of the words of the Constitution.” (He chooses to overlook the fact that Jefferson, as president, was not quite the constitutional purist, buying the Louisiana Territory even though he believed himself that he had no constitutional authority to do so.) The villain is Alexander Hamilton, who, in establishing the National Bank, established “the precedent of federal powers far beyond those articulated in the Constitution,” thereby becoming the forefather of “modern expansionists of government power” who “support a meaning of the Constitution that can be expanded to justify virtually any action the federal government seeks to undertake.” (There are many good things to be said about Hamilton, but Leahy’s book is not the place to look for them.)
Until Woodrow Wilson and World War I, America swung back and forth between constitutional purism and overreach. Among the good guys: Andrew Jackson, who put the kibosh on the Second National Bank, and Grover Cleveland, “the last constitutional Democrat,” who “demonstrated greater fidelity to the constitutional principles of limited government” than any other president. Among the bad guys: John Adams, whose Alien and Sedition Acts represented an outrageous violation of the First Amendment; Abraham Lincoln, who dispersed federal funds to the companies that built the transcontinental railroad; Benjamin Harrison, who signed “the first massive entitlement program in American history”; and, of course, Wilson, who during the First World War implemented “massive intrusive and ubiquitous government regulations,” whetting federal bureaucrats’ appetite for power and accustoming American citizens to Washington’s exercise of unconstitutional power over their lives.
Among the cautionary tales here is that of the transcontinental railroad, subsidized by “massive loans” from the U.S. government that led to “massive fraud.” The whole thing, argues Leahy, could have been accomplished more efficiently, and with far less corruption, had it been privately financed. We all learned in school about the driving of the golden spike at Promontory Point, Utah, in 1869. But did you know that “as much as a third of the $100 million in federal loans” that had made that day possible “had been siphoned off into…private hands”? Or that “the workmanship and quality of materials used during the mad dash across the country” was so poor “that within four years almost every inch of track from Council Bluffs to Sacramento had to be pulled up and rebuilt”? Such was the consequence of “federal government involvement in the selection of winners and losers in business.”
After Wilson, it was all downhill. Herbert Hoover, who as Wilson’s “Food Administrator” imposed draconian rules on small farmers and as Harding’s Commerce Secretary asserted the government’s ownership of the airwaves and its power to license them to private broadcasters (a fascinating, maddening story), as president responded to the 1929 crash with extra-constitutional actions – wage controls, loans, subsidies, public-works programs, etc. – that only plunged the country deeper into Depression.
FDR, needless to say, was a watershed: “where Hoover stopped short of the last step toward economic fascism, Roosevelt boldly took it.” Leahy tells horror stories about small businessmen and farmers destroyed by New Deal bureaucrats. From FDR, he jumps to LBJ and the spectacular failure of the Great Society. But he underscores that this isn’t a strict Democrat vs. Republican issue. From Wilson onward, “Democratic administrations expanded government, and Republican administrations confirmed the expansion, despite political rhetoric to the contrary.” Ike consolidated FDR’s and Truman’s government expansion; Nixon did the same for Johnson’s. Indeed, Nixon did LBJ one better, introducing the EPA and imposing wage and price controls. Moreover, as Leahy reminds us, it was George W. Bush who signed the legislation establishing TARP, the Troubled Asset Relief Program, which squandered taxpayer money on bank bailouts.
Leahy’s book culminates in the passage of ObamaCare, the Stimulus Bill, and other laws epitomizing government overreach – and in the birth of the Tea Party, in which Leahy played a pivotal role, largely owing to his highly influential Twitter list. Those who have been convinced by the mainstream media that the Tea Party is a nest of racists and of people obsessed with social issues will be edified to learn that as far as Leahy and his Twitter followers are concerned, the movement is united around four ideas: limited government, free markets, individual liberty, and strong national defense. Period. (Leahy and company have deliberately left “traditional values” off their list because they differ among themselves on that topic.)
A few months ago, at a Florida town hall where the purported subject was jobs, Democratic Congresswoman Frederica Wilson instructed  her constituents: “Let us all remember who the real enemy is. The real enemy is the Tea Party!” Well, that clarifies things. Why not just come out with it, and admit that the real enemy – not only for Wilson, but for all other true believers in the legacy of the Great Society – is the Constitution?
Tea Party members who want to know more about the history of the ideas that inform their movement could not do better than Leahy’s book. As for those who don’t belong to the Tea Party – especially those who only “know” about it what the mainstream media have told them about it – they are hereby encouraged to open their minds and give Leahy’s book a chance. For many of them, I suspect, it will be an eye-opening lesson – not only in what the Tea Party is really about, but in the simple, straightforward, and still precious (if oft-violated) principles on which the United States of America was founded.
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