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As the Zimmerman prosecution continues to implode, Sanford, a Florida city with less than twenty thousand black people, is preparing for race riots.
The racial exploitation of the Trayvon Martin case, as documented in David Horowitz and John Perazzo’s Black Skin Privilege, was built on lies, and the threat of race riots is the final race card out of the many that were played incessantly throughout the case.
Daryl Parks, the Martin family attorney, has belatedly come out and said, “It’s not about racial profiling” and “We never claimed this was about race.” But that announcement comes much too late.
While the shooting was not about race, the case has become a political juggernaut that is not about what actually happened between Zimmerman and Martin, but about the guilt and violence churning through the liberal exploitation of race and racism for political power.
Cecil Smith, the new black police chief who replaced Bill Lee, the former Sanford police chief fired for not immediately hanging George Zimmerman from a tree, has been sending police officers door to door to rebuild the “trust” of the black community.
The Sanford police department is enlisting black pastors to act as “observers” in the courtroom in exchange for promising to tell their congregations not to riot if the justice system does its job.
Race riots in Sanford are highly unlikely even if Al Sharpton manages to take a break from misreading the MSNBC teleprompter. As much as liberal activists have tried to make over Trayvon Martin into the new Rodney King, Sanford isn’t Los Angeles.
But the power of the race riot, like terrorism, lies in the threat. The man who threatens a race riot is blackmailing governments and private citizens to do his bidding. The Sanford race riot stories exist to persuade jurors to save lives and avoid further violence by convicting George Zimmerman.
Ever since a local crime story went national when motivated liberal activists decided to pluck it out of the back pages and transform it into their latest teachable moment on the ubiquity of American racism, Sanford has been getting a lot of help dealing with a racial crisis that it doesn’t have.
The Justice Department, which under Eric Holder has become indistinguishable from a radical community organizing group, began interfering in the case from the start.
Last spring it sent in its secretive Community Relations Service, all but indistinguishable from a group of community organizers, to train protesters and provide liaison services for them. The so-called “Peacemakers” wear the blue windbreakers, polo shirts and dark sunglasses of Federal agents, but claim to be the “eyes and ears of the community.” Eyes and ears, but not mouths. The CRS organizers were ordered not to talk to the media about what they were doing.
While Obama has refused to allow the soldiers shot in the Fort Hood Massacre to receive medals out of concern that it might “prejudice” the case against Nidal Hasan, the Muslim terrorist who opened fire on them, he had no such hesitation when it came to calling for an investigation that would leave no stone unturned in the ruthless pursuit of George Zimmerman.
Every aspect of the case has since been investigated. And with ample preparation, the prosecution is reduced to a slow demonstration of why the case should never have been brought to trial.
Without Federal interference, the charges against Zimmerman would never have materialized, not because of race, but because the case was too ambiguous to be prosecuted. But a liberal lynch mob insisted on seeing it prosecuted anyway, not on the merits of the case, which they did not even bother studying, doing so little research that they labeled Zimmerman a white racist based on his last name alone, but to make a statement about race.
Turning the Trayvon Martin case into a statement about race, rather than a confrontation between two men, dehumanized both Zimmerman and Martin, transforming them from people into characters in a morality play about racism.
The racialization of the case led to actual racial attacks, as documented in David Horowitz and John Perazzo’s Black Skin Privilege.
“In the two months following Trayvon Martin’s death, black assailants carried out at least 14 fourteen known attacks against white victims with the idea of “avenging” the fallen youth. In East Toledo, six juveniles beat a 78-year-old white man, shouting: “This is for Trayvon … Trayvon lives, white [man]. Kill that white [man]!” In Gainesville, five blacks shouting “Trayvon!” beat a 27-year-old white man, leaving his face permanently disfigured.”
Unlike George Zimmerman’s shooting of Trayvon Martin, these attacks were clearly racially motivated, but the media didn’t swarm down on them, Obama didn’t make any emotional speeches about them and the DOJ’s best and brightest community organizers didn’t begin training protesters to agitate the crowds and stir up talk of race riots. The Zimmerman case was supposed to teach about the evils of white privilege, while these attacks could teach only about black privilege.
The American justice system is not racist, but the Department of Justice has become expert at manipulating it for racial ends, exonerating the Black Panthers for their racist voter intimidation while targeting George Zimmerman because the man he shot might have looked like Obama’s hypothetical son.
Zimmerman became a useful means of indicting the justice system as racist. And discrediting the justice system is vital because what its crime statistics have to say about the state of race relations in this country is not good news.
“They tell us that black criminals aren’t actually criminals; the true culprit is the white ‘unjust justice system’ that ‘proﬁles’ blacks and creates this racist illusion,” Horowitz and Perazzo write, before citing the statistics that show that the problem is not in the justice system but in the criminals who enter it.
The racialization of the Zimmerman case began in bad faith as another attempt to discredit the justice system as racist and illegitimate. Now that the justice system is drifting toward doing its job, the next phase of violent reaction and mythmaking is underway.
The race cards of black privilege can only be played so many times until the final card of violence is drawn from the deck.
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