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	<title>FrontPage Magazine &#187; Janet Tassel</title>
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		<title>Vladimir Jabotinsky: The Burning Crusade of a Stateless Wanderer</title>
		<link>http://www.frontpagemag.com/2014/janet-tassel/vladimir-jabotinsky-the-burning-crusade-of-a-stateless-wanderer/?utm_source=rss&#038;utm_medium=rss&#038;utm_campaign=vladimir-jabotinsky-the-burning-crusade-of-a-stateless-wanderer</link>
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		<pubDate>Thu, 29 May 2014 04:48:37 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Janet Tassel]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Daily Mailer]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[FrontPage]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[biography]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Hillel Halkin]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Israel]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Vladimir Jabotinsky]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Zionism]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.frontpagemag.com/?p=226441</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Hillel Halkin's new biography of Zionism's most pivotal and polarizing figure.]]></description>
				<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><a href="http://cdn.frontpagemag.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/05/Jabotinsky.jpg"><img class="alignleft size-full wp-image-226445" alt="Jabotinsky" src="http://cdn.frontpagemag.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/05/Jabotinsky.jpg" width="203" height="300" /></a><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;">Amazingly, the last biography of Vladimir Jabotinsky in English appeared close to twenty years ago: <i>Lone Wolf, </i>a two-volume doorstop by Shmuel Katz (1996), which at almost 2,000 pages, deserves its reputation as &#8220;compendious.&#8221; Now, in a new biography, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Jabotinsky-A-Life-Jewish-Lives/dp/0300136625"><i><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;">Jabotinsky: A Life</span></i></a>, Hillel Halkin has done the impossible: He has gracefully condensed the story of this complex tragic figure into a page-turner that is at once concise and a rattling good read.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;">Jabotinsky, known principally as Zionism&#8217;s most polarizing and bellicose crusader, was also a cultured, indeed aristocratic, polymath— multingual, a prolific journalist, lawyer, translator of Poe and Dante, playwright, poet, playwright and author. (His novel <i>Samson the Nazarite</i> (1926) was later made into a Cecil  B. DeMille movie with Hedy Lamarr and Victor Mature.) That he may also have been a lover of women seems probable, given his early bohemian life in Rome and elsewhere, and his lifetime of traveling so much without his wife. Not that he embodied <i>le beau ideal</i>; indeed, though a fastidious dresser, he was small and rather &#8220;froggy&#8221; around the eyes, in Halkin&#8217;s words.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;">How a protean genius of Jabotinsky&#8217;s talents and superhuman energy arises among &#8220;normal&#8221; people is always a mystery, but Halkin suggests that the place of his childhood—Odessa, &#8220;carefree, contented Odessa,&#8221; Jabotinsky called it&#8212;may provide some clues. Born there in 1880, he left for the bohemian life abroad when he was only 17, and &#8220;said a last goodbye to it before World War I,&#8221; but &#8220;a part of him always remained there,&#8221; this intoxicating, cosmopolitan city where he studied, worked as a young journalist, and played the rascal as a boy.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;">Odessa, Halkin writes, was the only large Russian city in which Jews were not barred.  A city with no established Jewish institutions, the thousands of Jews who flocked there  were thus &#8220;less traditional and less subject to rabbinical influence&#8221; than other Jewish communities. A sophisticated, international city, Odessa&#8217;s lingua franca was for a time Italian before yielding to Russian. It was in Russian that Jabotinksy was raised, and his widowed mother kept a minimally observant home, perhaps engendering his lifelong laxity in Jewish ritual and his dedicated secularism.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;">But at the same time Odessa attracted some of the most influential Hebrew, Yiddish—and Zionist thinkers of the age: think Ahad Ha&#8217;Am, Bialik, Tchernichovsky, and Meir Dizengoff, future mayor of Tel Aviv.  And as to writers of fiction, consider among others Mendele Mocher Seforim and Sholem Alecheim.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;">This &#8220;vibrant Jewish cultural life,&#8221; says Halkin, of course had to affect the intellectually voracious young Jabotinsky. &#8220;Only in Odessa could an Eastern European Jew feel both deeply Jewish and totally at ease among non-Jews,&#8221; mixing in &#8220;truly neutral spaces.&#8221; Perhaps that is why &#8220;to other Eastern European Zionist leaders of his generation like Chaim Weizmann and David Ben-Gurion, Jabotinsky [seemed] a kind of half-breed. The Weizmanns and Ben-Gurions were products of the shtetl,&#8221; reared in Yiddish, educated at <i>heder. &#8220;</i>Their world was divided into Jews and non-Jews, the latter viewed as alien and hostile.&#8221; Jabotinsky, wrote Weizmann later, had something &#8220;not at all Jewish&#8221; about him. The traditional suspicion of <i>Ostjuden </i>toward their more acculturated brothers (and vice versa) would color Jabotinsky&#8217;s relations with his fellow Zionists all his life.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;">Nothing would be harder to imagine than Ben-Gurion, say, taking off at the age of 17, as did Jabotinsky, without even waiting to receive his diploma, and decamping, a newly hired young correspondent for an Odessa newspaper, to become a law student, writer,  and all-around hell-raiser in Bern and then, for three years, in his beloved Rome. </span></p>
<blockquote><p><i><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;">Rome was the real thing.  It was the beating heart of a country that had been freed in a long struggle for independence led by the intrepid figure of Garibaldi, whose Italian nationalism was tempered by a democratic humanism, and it left Jabotinsky with a lifelong vision of what a decent, free, and pleasurable society could be  like—the society he was to want for another former and future people of the Mediterranean: his own. </span></i></p></blockquote>
<p><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;">Then, in June 1901, Jabotinsky returned to Odessa, thinking it would be a vacation, but when he was offered a substantial job as a columnist at <i>Odesskaya Novosti,  </i>he moved back<i>.</i> Writing under the pen name &#8220;Altalena,&#8221; Italian for &#8220;see-saw,&#8221; he found himself a celebrity, with newsboys crying, &#8220;Extra! Read Altalena today!&#8221; and with a reserved seat at the theater with his name in bronze letters. He also became known as an anti-Marxist, an anti-collectivist, a celebrator of individual freedom, and therefore an anarchist, which is why the Tsarist police ransacked his belongings and hauled him off to jail&#8211; his first, though hardly his last, arrest.<i> </i></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;">Though Jabotinsky over the years had thought about his Judaism, and had nourished a pseudo-romantic attachment to Zion (while experiencing revulsion at the sight of actual Jews &#8220;with their queer dress and manners, living in poverty and seeming abjectness&#8221;), it wasn&#8217;t until his return from Rome that his interest became serious.  Halkin tells of his meeting at the opera with a young Zionist activist named Saltzman, during which Saltzman offered to lend Jabotinsky the writings of, among others, Theodor Herzl.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;">Interest in a Jewish state soon became less an abstract concept for Jabotinsky. The Russian skies were turning blood-red. A regime &#8220;threatened by a revolutionary movement in which Jews were disproportionately represented was seeking to divert public anger into anti-Semitic channels with the help of the pulpit and the press. Russian Jewry was targeted as the subversive rule of all evil; <i>bey zhidov, spasai Rossiyu,</i> &#8216;beat the Jews and save Russia,&#8217; became a popular slogan.&#8221; Pogroms became more common. Even in Odessa, wrote Jabotinsky in his novel <i>The Five, </i>&#8220;it became uncomfortable.&#8221;</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;">&#8220;Ever since his return to Odessa,&#8221; writes Halkin, &#8220;he had been laboring to reconcile a belief in the radical freedom of the self with the increasingly powerful pull of Jewish nationalism.&#8221; This was &#8220;the central paradox of his life—that of a partisan of the right, even the obligation, to be one&#8217;s own self who nevertheless chose to dedicate this self to a people and ultimately to create a political movement that demanded from its followers an iron discipline….&#8221; The deeper debate about Jabotinsky, says Halkin, starts here.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;">Then, on April 6, 1903, came the infamous Kishinev pogrom, inspiring Chaim Bialik&#8217;s great Hebrew poem, &#8220;In the City of Slaughter,&#8221; which Jabotinsky translated into Russian, reaching a larger audience than Bialik&#8217;s original. What both Bialik and Jabotinsky took away from this massacre above all was the indignity of Jewish fear, passivity, and cowardice, the shame of Jewish men hiding under beds while their women were raped  and killed.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;">After Kishinev, Jabotinsky began crusading for the establishment of a Jewish self-defense force, and immediately threw himself into the effort. Jabotinsky&#8217;s &#8220;belief in Jewish activism in Russia no less than in Palestine,&#8221; the call for Jews &#8220;to take their destiny into their own hands,&#8221; marked his formal conversion to militant Zionism.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;">His growing fame led to his being invited to the Sixth Zionist Congress in Basel in 1903. It was here that Theodor Herzl unveiled his Uganda Plan, an issue that Halkin admirably summarizes. Despite Jabotinsky&#8217;s esteem of Herzl, the Uganda Plan was completely unacceptable to him: &#8220;Zionism,&#8221; he wrote, &#8220;leads only to Palestine.&#8221; Jabotinsky was by now a full-time, passionate Zionist. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;">Alas, this meant being a passionate pilgrim. Having married his Odessan sweetheart Ania in 1907, he soon left on his frenetic crisscrossing of the world, from Turkey to Egypt,  from Spain to Africa, from England to America that would take the rest of his life, augmented by his stint during World War I as a war correspondent. &#8220;The next time I marry,&#8221; remarked Ania, &#8220;it won&#8217;t be to a Zionist—they&#8217;re never at home.&#8221; He traveled with a &#8220;Nansen passport,&#8221; a document for stateless persons. His only state, he insisted, would be Palestine. How fascinating, and tragic, then, is the irony that eventually—in 1930—Jabotinsky was banished by the British from ever returning to Palestine.  Even more interesting is the fact that Jabotinsky was—at least outwardly—unperturbed. In Halkin&#8217;s telling, the real, versus the concept of, Palestine, seemed to exert upon him little emotional pull.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;">Readers will find in Halkin&#8217;s book a lucid explanation of Zabotinsky&#8217;s alienation from Ben-Gurion and his socialist Labor Zionists, leading to charges of fascism directed at Jabotinsky. Halkin also includes the famous &#8220;omelette summit,&#8221; the 1934 meeting between the two giants in London, which resulted in a cordial, if tentative, modus vivendi. But to many readers, perhaps the most absorbing aspect of Zabotinsky&#8217;s muscular form of Zionism was his focus on Jewish militarism. Which brings Halkin to arguably the most compelling figure in the book, apart from Jabotinsky himself—the handsome, one-armed decorated veteran, Yosef Trumpeldor. The concept of a fighting  Jewish legion was one Trumpeldor enthusiastically shared with Jabotinsky.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;">From this historic meeting arose such milestones in the history of Zionism as Trumpeldor&#8217;s Zion Mule Corps, and Jabotinsky&#8217;s own debut as a soldier in the London 38th Battalion—800 &#8220;East End tailors&#8221; and a rabbi—in which Jabotinsky saw duty as a second lieutenant in Palestine. The 38th was the result of Jabotinsky&#8217;s unflagging one-man campaign of twisting British arms, pulling strings, negotiations, arguments, and speeches. Ultimately, the 38th was joined by a 39th and a 40th, and Jabotinsky could write that this was &#8220;the Jewish legion I had dreamed of and sacrificed so much for.&#8221; He compared it to a &#8220;fairytale.&#8221;</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;">Then, in April 1920, the Jewish legion having been demobilized by the British, Arab riots broke out in Jerusalem. Jabotinsky&#8217;s experience as an officer with combat experience led him to be chosen by former legionnaires as leader of a new group, &#8220;the defense,&#8221; or <i>ha-</i></span></p>
<p><i><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;">haganah. </span></i>The British, unwilling to fire on the rioters, accordingly threw nineteen of the new group, plus Jabotinsky, into the old Turkish prison in Acre. Early in the summer,  as Halkin writes, the prisoners were pardoned, and Jabotinsky &#8220;emerged from the episode a national hero.&#8221;</p>
<p><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;">Somewhat later, Jabotinsky broke with the Zionist left, &#8220;among whom are the most bitter opponents of anything having to do with the sword and the gun,&#8221; and founded his own youth movement, which he called Betar, a Hebrew acronym for B&#8217;rit Trumpeldor.  He was to refer to Betar as a firmly disciplined &#8220;machine,&#8221; but one that was &#8220;cultivated, ceremonious, and gracious.&#8221;</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;">It was at a Betar summer camp in the Catskills that Jabotinsky died of a heart attack in August 1940, two months before his 60th birthday.</span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: medium;"><br />
</span></p>
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		<item>
		<title>The Israeli Solution</title>
		<link>http://www.frontpagemag.com/2014/janet-tassel/the-israeli-solution-2/?utm_source=rss&#038;utm_medium=rss&#038;utm_campaign=the-israeli-solution-2</link>
		<comments>http://www.frontpagemag.com/2014/janet-tassel/the-israeli-solution-2/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 14 Mar 2014 04:43:44 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Janet Tassel]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Daily Mailer]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[FrontPage]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Glick]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Jerusalem]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[New book]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[palestinians]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[The Israeli Solution]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.frontpagemag.com/?p=220567</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Caroline Glick's new book proposes a one-state plan for peace in the Middle East.]]></description>
				<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div data-iceapc="49" data-iceapw="2137">
<p data-iceapc="1" data-iceapw="61"><a href="http://cdn.frontpagemag.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/03/cg.jpg"><img class="alignleft size-medium wp-image-220568" alt="cg" src="http://cdn.frontpagemag.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/03/cg-233x350.jpg" width="233" height="350" /></a><strong></strong></p>
<p><strong>[Caroline Glick will be speaking about her new book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Israeli-Solution-One-State-Peace-Middle/dp/0385348061/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&amp;ie=UTF8&amp;qid=1393316435&amp;sr=1-1&amp;keywords=the+israeli+solution">The Israeli Solution</a>,</strong><strong> to the Wednesday Morning Club in Los Angeles on March 25, 2014.  For more info, <a href="https://www.eventbrite.com/e/wmc-caroline-glick-tickets-10631433905">click here</a>.]</strong></p>
<p data-iceapc="1" data-iceapw="61"><strong>Reprinted from <a href="http://www.americanthinker.com/">The American Thinker</a>.</strong></p>
<p data-iceapc="1" data-iceapw="61">To Caroline Glick, senior contributing editor at the <em data-iceapw="2">Jerusalem Post,</em> the concept of a &#8220;two-state solution,&#8221; carving an invented state of Palestine from the tiny body of Israel and hopefully expecting the two resulting entities to live in harmony is, at best, a &#8220;chimera.&#8221;  Worse, it is a &#8220;humiliating, dangerous nightmare&#8221;; and worst of all, it spells the end of Israel.</p>
<p data-iceapc="1" data-iceapw="62">What Glick proposes in her provocative new book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/The-Israeli-Solution-One-State-Middle/dp/0385348061/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&amp;qid=1393528147&amp;sr=8-1&amp;keywords=The+Israeli+Solution"><em>The Israeli Solution</em></a><em data-iceapw="10">: A One-State Plan for Peace in the Middle East,</em> (available March 4) is to brush away the web of mischief, ignorance, deceit and hatred that surrounds the &#8220;peace plan,&#8221; and with newfound clarity, get rid of the misbegotten thing entirely.  In its place, she proposes a one-state plan, the one state being Israel.</p>
<p data-iceapw="4">In Glick&#8217;s own words:</p>
<blockquote data-iceapc="1" data-iceapw="55">
<p data-iceapw="55">The Israeli one-state plan entails the application of Israeli law&#8211; and through it, Israeli sovereignty&#8211; over the west bank of the Jordan River: the area that, from biblical times through the 1950s, was known to the world as Judea and Samaria.  In Israel, Judea and Samaria remain the terms used to refer to the territory….</p>
</blockquote>
<p data-iceapw="66">Judea and Samaria are the terms she uses throughout.  Israel having withdrawn from Gaza in 2005, Glick does not include Gaza in her plan, nor does she believe, for legal and strategic reasons, that it should be reabsorbed into Israel.  Her one-state solution, the application of Israeli law and sovereignty in Judea and Samaria, which is &#8220;based on actual Israeli rights rather than fictitious Israeli culpability,&#8221;</p>
<p data-iceapc="1" data-iceapw="60"><em data-iceapw="60">would liberate Israel to craft coherent strategies for contending with the…evolving regional threat and the international assault on its right to exist….Israeli sovereignty in Judea and Samaria will increase the security of all.   It will transform the region from one governed alternatively by a military government and a terrorist kleptocracy into one governed by a unified, liberal rule of law.</em></p>
<p data-iceapc="1" data-iceapw="116">The sine qua non of her plan, of course, is the understanding that the Jewish people are the indigenous Palestinians, not &#8220;colonial usurpers&#8221; or &#8220;occupying powers.&#8221;  &#8220;At no time,&#8221; she reminds us, &#8220;have there been no Jews in the Land of Israel.&#8221;  She gives us census figures from the Roman holocaust of the first century CE and the subsequent Bar Kochba rebellion up to the 19<sup data-iceapw="1">th</sup> century &#8220;dawn of modern Zionism,&#8221; when Jews again were the majority in Jerusalem.  And she touches on some of the archeological finds that suggest a significant Jewish presence as early as 1050 BCE.   Considering that the Palestinians have been trying to erase all vestiges of Jewish presence in Israel,</p>
<p data-iceapw="41">[T]he reconstitution of the Jewish state in the Land of Israel is an unprecedented historic accomplishment.  No other indigenous people has preserved its national identity for so long and against such great odds, only to repatriate itself to its historic homeland….</p>
<p data-iceapw="129" data-iceapc="1">But Glick stresses that her one-state plan is not intended as punishment of the Palestinians.  On the contrary, she repeatedly demonstrates that Israeli rule has always been and will continue to be of great benefit to the Palestinians.  After the Israeli victory in the Six-Day War of 1967, for instance, Israel&#8217;s recapture of Jerusalem, Judea, and Samaria was, for the Palestinian Arabs, &#8220;an economic and civil rights boon.&#8221; The entire population of 65,000 &#8220;lined up to receive Israeli identification cards that granted them permanent residency status in Israel.&#8221; Among the positive results of &#8220;Israel&#8217;s benign rule,&#8221; she cites impressive statistics on improved Arab living standards, employment, GDP, literacy, schools and universities, life expectancy (48 in 1967, 72 in 2000), infant mortality, clinics, sewage, electricity and health insurance.  Equally important,</p>
<blockquote data-iceapc="1" data-iceapw="47">
<p data-iceapw="47">[U]nder Israeli rule, the Palestinians of Judea, Samaria, and Gaza exercised political freedoms that were nonexistent in the rest of the Arab world.  These included freedom of association, freedom of the press, enfranchisement of women, and the ability to seek the protection of the Israeli court system.</p>
</blockquote>
<p data-iceapw="45">Keep in mind that during the illegal Jordanian occupation of Judea, Samaria, and Jerusalem from 1949 to 1967, not only were Jews prohibited from buying land, but any Arab accused of selling land to Jews faced the death penalty, and in many cases, still may.</p>
<p data-iceapw="100">Moving us to the present impasse requires Glick, of course, to provide a look at the historical background and context.  In her necessarily condensed summary, Glick draws an inexorable line from European anti-Semitism through the treacheries of the British, with their Peel Commission and infamous White Paper, and the murderous antics of their Nazi sidekick Haj Amin El-Husseini, inventor of the Palestinians.  Then come the spawn of El-Husseini, Arafat and now Abbas.  There was the insanity of the Oslo Accords, which led in turn to the American &#8220;bipartisan pipe dream,&#8221; currently embodied in the tragicomic farce that is John Kerry.</p>
<p data-iceapw="75">This is a history of heroes, villains and dupes, including numerous Israelis.  But when it comes to American involvement, no one escapes whipping.  In the face of continuous and open Palestinian calls for the complete destruction of the Jewish state, American administrations from Nixon&#8217;s to Obama&#8217;s have committed themselves to some version of a plan to establish a Palestinian state on all or most of the land won by Israel in the 1967 Six-Day War.</p>
<p data-iceapw="156">The story of American pro-Palestinianism does not make for pleasant reading.  It is difficult to be reminded of the slippery words of Presidents Clinton, Bush, and Obama; to confront again the loony obsession with Israel while the entire world is ablaze; to have to face, as Glick forces us to do, that were it not for America&#8217;s feckless policy, the PLO would probably have self-destructed.  To add to the irony, the Arab world would not have cared: Witness King Hussein of Jordan&#8217;s 1970 slaughter of thousands of Palestinians.  Or recall that in 1982, when Israel forced the PLO out of Lebanon, &#8220;no Arab regime offered to host them.  It took U.S.  pressure to persuade Tunisia to accept them.  It would seem, says Glick, that the &#8220;wider Arab world&#8217;s assessment of Arafat was voiced by Jordan&#8217;s King Hussein, who reportedly remarked, &#8216;Arafat never came to a bridge that he didn&#8217;t double-cross.&#8217;&#8221;  But successive American administrations were snookered.</p>
<p data-iceapw="101">One significant result of this misguided policy is that it &#8220;has affected America&#8217;s ability to assess Israel&#8217;s strategic importance to U.S.  national security; to understand the motivations and interests of Israel&#8217;s Arab neighbors; and to comprehend how those motivations and interests affect those of the United States.&#8221;  Worse yet, it has damaged American standing in the Arab world.  And perhaps most damaging, the United States has failed to learn from Israeli experience: &#8220;Israel&#8217;s experience in Lebanon was a textbook case for how events would likely unfold for the United States and its British allies in Iraq.&#8221; If only we&#8217;d paid attention.</p>
<p data-iceapw="8">Glick, then, provides three options open to Israel:</p>
<p data-iceapw="59">1.  Reassert the military government as the sole governing body [in Judea and Samaria].  This response, she says, is not tenable over the long term.  The Palestinians definitely live better under Israel&#8217;s military government than they did under any previous government.  However, &#8220;both Arabs and Jews have the right to expect to be governed by a democratic, civilian government.&#8221;</p>
<p data-iceapw="58">2.  Maintain the current dual governance by the [Israeli] military government and the Palestinian Authority.  If this were possible, she says, &#8220;the two-state paradigm would also be viable &#8212; and indeed, a Palestinian state would have been established fifteen years ago.&#8221;  But once again, the Palestinian hierarchy is completely opposed to peaceful co-existence with the Jewish state, period.</p>
<p data-iceapw="30">3.  Incorporate Judea and Samaria into sovereign Israel.  This, of course, is Glick&#8217;s proposal, and, she stresses, for many strategic reasons, the sooner the better.  As she describes the plan,</p>
<blockquote data-iceapc="6" data-iceapw="152">
<p data-iceapc="1" data-iceapw="51"><em data-iceapw="51">Applying Israeli law to the areas would end the authoritarian repression that the Palestinians suffer under the rule of the Palestinian Authority.   As permanent residents of Israel, with the option of applying for Israeli citizenship, the Palestinians would find themselves living in a liberal democracy where their individual rights are protected.</em></p>
<p data-iceapc="1" data-iceapw="50"><em data-iceapw="50">Contingent on security concerns—applied on individual rather than on a communal basis—Palestinians will have the right to travel and live anywhere they wish within Israeli territory.  Similarly, Israeli Jews will also be allowed to live anywhere they wish.  All prohibitions on property and land sales to Jews will be abrogated.</em></p>
<p data-iceapc="1" data-iceapw="51"><em data-iceapw="51">From the outset, as permanent residents of Israel, Palestinians will have the right to elect their local governments.  Those that receive Israeli citizenship…will also be allowed to vote in national elections for the Knesset.  The Israeli education system will be open to them.  The Israeli economy will be open to them.</em></p>
</blockquote>
<p data-iceapw="45">Washington will have to &#8220;acknowledge that the two-state paradigm has been a disastrous failure,&#8221; but it will be able finally to cease its funding of the Palestinian Authority.  The Israeli military government will be dissolved, and the PA will no longer be the Palestinians&#8217; representative.</p>
<p data-iceapw="79">Glick sees one immediate problem: &#8220;the sudden influx of a large, unassimilated Arab population,&#8221; but she sees it as a potential burden on Israel&#8217;s welfare services, not as a demographic &#8220;time bomb,&#8221; as is often feared.  She whacks this straw man, noting that &#8220;the actual population data &#8212; together with current population growth trends for Israel and the Palestinians &#8212; make clear that there is no Palestinian demographic time bomb.  In fact, demography is one of Israel&#8217;s greatest advantages.&#8221;</p>
<p data-iceapw="45">To be sure, there are many potential problems, and perhaps the least persuasive section of the book attempts to deal with some of the &#8220;likely responses,&#8221; which are, after all, unknowable.  But Glick is nothing if not intrepid, and we, fingers crossed, follow her arguments.</p>
<p data-iceapw="4">The Palestinians, for example:</p>
<blockquote data-iceapc="1" data-iceapw="78">
<p data-iceapw="78">The Palestinians have two means of responding to an Israeli decision to apply Israeli law to Judea and Samaria: terrorism and diplomatic warfare.   But these are, of course, the same means available to them today…and the Palestinians are already operating at full capacity or near-full capacity in both spheres.   As a result, it is difficult to imagine how the Palestinians could respond more forcefully to an Israeli one-state plan than they are already behaving on a daily basis.</p>
</blockquote>
<p data-iceapw="46">Of course, terrorism would still be a possibility, and even a &#8220;massacre.&#8221; But, she coolly asserts, &#8220;Such an attack would likely be a one-time deal,&#8221; and Israel, which experienced a &#8220;sustained campaign of mass terrorism&#8221; from September 2000 to April 2002, will not suffer another such.</p>
<p data-iceapw="57">Another threat that cannot be ignored is that the Palestinians &#8220;might call for an international boycott of Israel.&#8221;  But the attractiveness of Israel&#8217;s economy minimizes the effectiveness of that option.  &#8220;In Britain, for instance, hatred for Israel is galloping, yet bilateral trade between Israel and Britain is booming and growing, with the trade balance in Israel&#8217;s favor.&#8221;</p>
<p data-iceapw="47">What about Egypt? It is far from clear, says Glick, that Egypt &#8220;has the logistical capacity to move its U.S.- made M1A1 Abrams tanks across the Sinai to engage Israeli forces, and to replenish its forces with spare parts, food, and reinforcements.   Egypt is, in fact, impoverished.&#8221;</p>
<p data-iceapw="46">And Jordan? &#8220;[T]he Hashemite regime&#8217;s likely, indeed all-but-certain response to an Israeli decision to apply its laws to Judea and Samaria will be to publicly condemn the move and privately celebrate it.&#8221; It is also far from certain how long the Hashemites will be in power.</p>
<p data-iceapw="75">Then, of course, there is Syria, &#8220;deeply dangerous for Israel and for the wider region.&#8221; But under the awful circumstances of today&#8217;s Syria, &#8220;Assad would have little capacity to respond.&#8221; Hezb’allah is the wild card: Now tied down in Syria, it is weaker at home.  Should Iran emerge as a nuclear power, Hezb’allah would be freer to concentrate on Israel.  Thus, she repeats, &#8220;Israel would be well advised&#8221; to make its move before that happens.</p>
<p data-iceapw="85">Her predictions about Europe are the most convincing.  A pacifist, de-militarized, toothless giant, Europe, she feels, poses absolutely no military threat.   Its only coherent foreign policy, she says, is its hatred for Israel.  Then too, &#8220;EU member state governments aggressively compete with each other in courting Israeli internet, biomedical, agri-tech, and other high-tech companies to partner with their countries.&#8221; And for Israel&#8217;s part, with its newfound Asian partners rapidly expanding trade with Israel, it may in the end need Europe less than Europe needs Israel.</p>
<p data-iceapw="19">Finally and most importantly, Glick turns back to America, for whom she frankly admits she is writing this book:</p>
<blockquote data-iceapc="1" data-iceapw="70">
<p data-iceapw="70">[T]he Israeli one-state plan will liberate Americans from the stranglehold of the two-state solution&#8217;s mythology.   For the first time in a generation, American foreign policy hands, politicians, and regular citizens will be able to see the Arab and Islamic worlds for what they are, and not view them through the distorting, mendacious lens of a policy paradigm that falsely places the blame for all their failings and problems on Israel.</p>
</blockquote>
<p data-iceapw="16">In other words, the United States will regain something it seems to have lost: the truth.</p>
<p><b>Freedom Center pamphlets now available on Kindle: </b><a href="http://www.amazon.com/s/ref%3dnb_sb_noss?url=search-alias%3Ddigital-text&amp;field-keywords=david+horowitz&amp;rh=n:133140011%2ck:david+horowitz&amp;ajr=0#/ref=sr_st?keywords=david+horowitz&amp;qid=1316459840&amp;rh=n:133140011%2ck:david+horowitz&amp;sort=daterank" target="_blank"><b>Click here</b></a><b>.   </b></p>
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