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	<title>FrontPage Magazine &#187; Jerome Vitenberg</title>
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		<title>Amidst U.S. Retreat, France Scrambles for Strategic Allies</title>
		<link>http://www.frontpagemag.com/2014/jerome-vitenberg/amidst-u-s-retreat-france-scrambles-for-strategic-allies/?utm_source=rss&#038;utm_medium=rss&#038;utm_campaign=amidst-u-s-retreat-france-scrambles-for-strategic-allies</link>
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		<pubDate>Wed, 07 May 2014 04:02:15 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Jerome Vitenberg]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Daily Mailer]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[FrontPage]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Africa]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[France]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Military]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Operation Sangaris]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UK]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.frontpagemag.com/?p=224882</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Old colonial powers turn to one another to maintain security in central Africa. ]]></description>
				<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><a href="http://cdn.frontpagemag.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/05/os.jpg"><img class="alignleft  wp-image-224935" alt="os" src="http://cdn.frontpagemag.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/05/os-450x291.jpg" width="315" height="204" /></a>France’s role in Africa has changed in recent years.  To ensure that it is not perceived as – and does not conduct itself like – a neo-colonial power, its interventions in Africa have sought to accord with its own democratic values of respect for the rights of the people and for the rule of law, even in cases where this brings France into conflict with some African leaders who have become accustomed to a corrupt way of life.</p>
<p>In 1994, approximately one million people were slaughtered in the war crimes committed during the “Rwandan Genocide.” The shocking images of its atrocities increased recognition of responsibility in France and the West for preventing future humanitarian tragedies in Africa.</p>
<p>From a strategic perspective, any descent into chaos in Central Africa would also have consequences in North Africa, itself only a short distance from Europe’s southern shores. This is simply a modern-day application of the Eisenhower domino theory, without its counter arguments related to the occupation of countries by foreign forces: Today, local governments require time-limited Western military intervention to assist their own armed forces.</p>
<p>Combining a more enlightened role and modern strategic needs, Paris, thus currently favours brief UN-mandated military interventions to support African political solutions.  This is precisely the mission of France&#8217;s Operation Sangaris: to bolster the efforts of local armies and the African Union&#8217;s MISCA force in the CAR. However, due to severe financial constraints, France also needs Western and professional partners.</p>
<p>While the EU and the United States have been looked to for this role, inviting these two partners to join as the main contributors to peace-making in Central Africa may not be the most judicious choice. First, seeking military intervention from the EU outside of its borders strengthens its political status, and contributes to a corresponding decrease in the sovereignty of the various European nation-states by effectively ceding it new executive powers in an area that has hitherto been the preserve of the individual members.</p>
<p>Second, asking for financial and military assistance from the United States, the classic sponsor of such operations till 2008, fails to recognize what I have called the “US foreign policy Whirlfall” &#8212; a whirlpool generated by the US retreat from global interventions, reinforced by the windfall that America’s global rivals are reaping from US-imposed policy limitations on its allies. At a time of global retrenchment, President Obama is unlikely to engage in a new military mission in Africa.</p>
<p>Since the Fashoda Incident in 1898, when France and Britain faced off over their respective territorial claims in East Africa, and the signing of the Franco-British <i>Entente Cordiale</i> in 1904, it is Britain that has traditionally been France&#8217;s partner in Africa. With similar African histories, the two countries share the same democratic respect for the rule of law and human rights.  The British, too, understand that their role in Africa is to support the African people and governments, not to re-create a colonial empire.</p>
<p>The two countries already work closely in combating piracy and other maritime and coastal threats, and share human and electronic intelligence. But notwithstanding the British intelligence and logistical support provided for Operation Sangaris, the partnership has much greater potential, for Central Africa itself, as well as for the UK and France. Further, with its defense budget crippled, France has signaled its need for additional British involvement that would not only share the costs of the operation but also strengthen the operation&#8217;s effectiveness on the ground.</p>
<p>The British Armed Forces’ (BAF) operational capacity would offer more than simply logistical support. Expanded Royal Air Force operational missions could be flown in coordination with the French Air Force, while the British Army ground forces could contribute a few regiments of land personnel, both in operational and training roles.</p>
<p>Moreover, beyond the purely military dimension, the British offer an additional area of expertise, one that is critical to strengthening the establishment of civil societies that France is seeking to advance in Central Africa. With its excellent BAF education facilities, many of them affiliated with UK universities, the British have the ability to provide high-quality educational courses to the African armed forces that are in dire need of training to achieve greater efficiency and autonomy. These centres could also provide British academic training to relevant members of the region&#8217;s executive, legislative and judiciary branches, thereby sharing the financial burden of such training which France is now bearing alone. Such assistance would aid in the democratization process and support the regeneration of state institutions.</p>
<p>Britain&#8217;s failure to devote additional resources to stabilizing Central Africa would also be harmful to its future position in the region. Without greater UK involvement, France would remain financially strapped and politically isolated and would have no alternative but to lobby for the creation of a European task force and the implementation of “EUFOR RCA Bangui” approved in January 2014.</p>
<p>Is the UK willing to relinquish its national interests in Africa and cede still more of its national sovereignty by promoting Brussels’ influence?  The alternative is to make some adjustments to the severe budget cuts the British armed forces are facing and allow the UK Ministry of Defense to provide the French with a short-term increase in operational assistance.</p>
<p>With Britain under budgetary pressure, spending 150 million pounds a year – the approximate financial cost for this increased assistance – in an obscure and remote military enterprise whose outcome is uncertain, might seem like an unnecessary expense that should be avoided. Nevertheless, such expenditure would represent less than half a percent of the MoD&#8217;s annual budget.  As removed as Bangui may be from the British consciousness, it would be a small investment given the political, diplomatic, strategic and commercial dividends it will bring the UK in the years to come.  Dispatching a British brigade to the region would breathe new life into a partnership between two nations so famously committed to human dignity.  Surely this is reason enough for the UK to stand up and be counted.</p>
<p>Clearly, the main immediate beneficiaries would be the people of Central Africa who have suffered so much for so long. Assisting the French in Central Africa would represent a clear fulfillment on a humanitarian obligation.  Yet it would also keep France from becoming pushed into a corner in which it would be at the mercy of Brussels.  Finally, it would put London &#8220;on the map”, very close to what Winston Churchill described as the “Pearl of Africa”. British support for Sangaris is thus intrinsic to the UK&#8217;s modern global ethos.</p>
<p>Fashoda is approximately a century and 1,500 kilometers away from Operation Sangaris’s arena. Should the UK be supporting the MISCA and the French?  “To be or not to be” – there really is no question.</p>
<p><em>Jérôme Vitenberg is an international political analyst. He has taught Political Science and International relations for the LSE via the University of London’s International Programmes at DEI College, Greece.</em></p>
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		<title>The Douala-Djibouti Corridor</title>
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		<pubDate>Thu, 06 Feb 2014 05:15:19 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Jerome Vitenberg]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Daily Mailer]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[FrontPage]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Africa]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Central African Republic]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Christian]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Democracy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[France]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Islam]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.frontpagemag.com/?p=218047</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[How France is enabling a bloc of non-Islamist, liberal democracies in Africa.]]></description>
				<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><a href="http://cdn.frontpagemag.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/lk.gif"><img class="alignleft  wp-image-218049" alt="lk" src="http://cdn.frontpagemag.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/lk.gif" width="400" height="162" /></a>The current French involvement in the Central African Republic, which follows in the footsteps of its ongoing “Operation Serval” in Mali, has led many to wonder about President Francois Hollande’s goals in his African campaigns.</p>
<p>In recent months, the CAR&#8217;s ex-<i>Séléka</i> Muslim rebel fighters, bolstered by Sudanese and Chadian mercenaries, have waged a campaign of murder, rape and pillage against the country&#8217;s 80% Christian-majority population. With the government in disarray, Christians have organized defensive “<i>anti-balaka</i>” (“anti-machete”) militia groups that have carried out reprisal actions. The spiraling inter-religious violence has displaced half a million people and claimed a thousand civilian lives in December 2013 alone.</p>
<p>The French military “Opération Sangaris,” supported by the African peace-keeping force, MISCA, is engaged in a crisis intervention aimed at stabilizing the CAR and protecting its civilian population. Given the dramatic context, the French action to disarm the various militias, secure the infrastructure necessary for the distribution of humanitarian aid, and re-establish public order is admirable.</p>
<p>Yet, the ramifications of events in the CAR extend far beyond its own borders. The country&#8217;s descent into chaos, indeed, would be like a volcanic eruption in this combustible region, affecting the future of a strip of nations stretching from the Cameroonian port of Douala on the Atlantic to Djibouti on the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait.</p>
<p>First, a power vacuum in the CAR would clear the way for Chad to seize the country&#8217;s oil- and diamond-rich north. Instability would also increase on its borders with Sudan and the DRC. A further menace would unfold in the form of attacks against Cameroon by the militant Nigerian jihadist group, <i>Boko Haram,</i> with <i>Al-Qaeda, AQIM </i>and<i> Al-Shabaab</i> likely to join the fray. Moreover, the turmoil would open the door to involvement by extremist groups in the illegal mining and sale of diamonds, precious metals and uranium, with all that implies for regional and global security.</p>
<p>“Opération Sangaris” is named for the Red Glider, a butterfly native to the area, as an expression of its planned short life.  However, the chronic issues in the CAR will not be solved by temporarily imposing order only to allow the cycle of violence to begin again once the forces are withdrawn.</p>
<p>For it is the problem of failed states – ruled by dictatorial regimes that routinely disregard human rights and looting their countries&#8217; wealth, while some Western corporations turn a profitable blind eye – that lies at the heart of CAR&#8217;s troubles and of those of the wider region.  Among the consequences of this corruption is the tragic lack of economic development in a region abundant in natural resources.  With few exceptions and despite limited economic progress (at least in statistical reports), Africa is the only continent to have been left behind the wave of socio-economic growth that raised up much of the Third World at the end of the 20<sup>th</sup> century.</p>
<p>Over the past decade, China, Russia and the Arab world have recognized this shockingly under-developed continent&#8217;s immense economic potential and invested heavily in certain countries.  The United States and Europe woke to the opportunity more belatedly.  As President Hollande acknowledged in 2013: “African growth pulls us along, its dynamism supports us and its vitality is stimulating for us. We need Africa.”</p>
<p>With their historical links to these lands, France and the United Kingdom, cooperating under the 2010 Lancaster House security cooperation treaty, are facing a moment of truth.  It is becoming more and more difficult to ignore their obligation to assist the desire of the region&#8217;s peoples for a durable democratization process that will end the incessant cycle of military coups and civil wars.</p>
<p>Visiting Western heads of state routinely promote democracy, accountability, transparency and development.   But unlike most of the countries now sowing the seeds of their future economic interests in Africa, the liberal democracies – and particularly France and the UK – have both the ideological incentive and the tools to act more responsibly.  Their leaders have the statutory and executive power to prioritize business ethics, corporate responsibility and sustainable development in the way their nationals engage in commercial enterprises abroad.</p>
<p>Explicitly translating their national leaders&#8217; words into deeds, corporations should adopt ethical “best practices” in their African business dealings, transforming their signature on commercial contracts into a hand extended in friendship to the local communities, to Africa&#8217;s people, to its youth.  Just as they do at home.</p>
<p>To assist Africa with discarding its chronic socio-economic malaise, France should take a longer view in its current intervention.   This would require turning “Opération Sangaris” into the kernel of a wider initiative to bring security, free-market economic growth and democratic rule of law to a &#8220;Douala-Djibouti Corridor&#8221; of model countries.</p>
<p>Such a corridor would serve three functions. First, it would create the prerequisite stability to improve its peoples&#8217; quality of life.  Second, it would benefit three of its major neighbours – Nigeria, Uganda and Kenya – still struggling with their own transitions towards “full democracy” status.  Third, it would serve as a beacon of hope for the citizens of the authoritarian regimes outside the corridor, guiding them in their journey towards a brighter, freer, more prosperous future.</p>
<p>From Douala in the west through the CAR, South Sudan and Ethiopia to Djibouti in the east, the future of this strip of states will in large measure determine the futures of more than a billion Africans, from the Mediterranean to the Cape.  The CAR capital Bangui is the pivot point, the key to the 21<sup>st</sup> century&#8217;s “New Frontier”.</p>
<p>France&#8217;s “Opération Sangaris” may, at cursory glance, appear more like simply another fire-fighting mission than the start of a recovery for central Africa. But with a little far-sightedness, it could lead to the creation of a “Douala-Djibouti corridor” of liberal democracies, a belt of freedom and hope for its ordinary men, women and children.</p>
<p>As Antoine de Saint-Exupéry revealed in the “The Little Prince,” work is needed before we can enjoy life&#8217;s glories: “We must endure the presence of a few caterpillars if we wish to become acquainted with the butterflies.”</p>
<p><strong>Jérôme Vitenberg is an international political analyst. He has taught Political Science and International relations for the LSE via the University of London&#8217;s International Programs at DEI College, Greece, and has been a Sales manager for Africa in the telecommunications industry.</strong></p>
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		<title>U.S. Foreign Policy in &#8216;Whirlfall&#8217;</title>
		<link>http://www.frontpagemag.com/2013/jerome-vitenberg/u-s-foreign-policy-in-whirlfall/?utm_source=rss&#038;utm_medium=rss&#038;utm_campaign=u-s-foreign-policy-in-whirlfall</link>
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		<pubDate>Thu, 21 Nov 2013 04:19:26 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Jerome Vitenberg]]></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Daily Mailer]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[FrontPage]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Cold War]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Communism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[foreign policy]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://frontpagemag.com/?p=211120</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Obama's unparalleled ability to bring chaos to the world and blessings to our enemies. ]]></description>
				<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><a href="http://cdn.frontpagemag.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/2012-12-21T191518Z_01_WAS209_RTRMDNP_3_USA-OBAMA-STATE.jpg"><img class="alignleft  wp-image-211243" alt="2012-12-21T191518Z_01_WAS209_RTRMDNP_3_USA-OBAMA-STATE" src="http://cdn.frontpagemag.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/2012-12-21T191518Z_01_WAS209_RTRMDNP_3_USA-OBAMA-STATE.jpg" width="274" height="226" /></a>A quarter of a century has elapsed since the Iron Curtain fell, heralding the collapse of the Soviet empire that had perverted human rights, trampled economic freedoms and subjugated its citizens utterly.  The implosion of USSR brought an end to the decades-old Cold War that had been the dominant framework of international relations since the end of World War II.</p>
<p>The disintegration of the communist world meant victory for the liberal democracies.  It yielded an &#8220;American Moment,&#8221; the brief window in which the United States was unchallenged in its global hegemony.</p>
<p>But victory also left the West disoriented within a new landscape no longer defined by the bipolar battle between the free world and the Warsaw Pact. Without clearly identifiable villains, the West lost its compass.</p>
<p>Quickly, global militant fundamentalist organizations, fueled by an ideological hatred of the West, attacked it at large and in its heart. America took up arms in response, but the legitimacy of its wars would soon be challenged by the growing number of casualties and concerns over its invasions of foreign territory, while domestic resistance to the spiraling cost of these campaigns, along with tactical and strategic mistakes, stymied their rapid and decisive conclusion.</p>
<p>Appalling flaws in communicating the rationale for and the justice of the Western military enterprises significantly weakened the effectiveness of the operations as a loose coalition of anti-Western forces and opponents to American foreign interventions used every channel at their disposal to delegitimize Washington. The conflicts&#8217; narratives were turned on their head: The theme of “War for Freedom” against aggressive Fundamentalists became the object of ridicule and was eclipsed by images of innocent civilians resisting the oppressive Western armies invading their lands.</p>
<p>Elected on a wave of popular discontent with both the economy and America&#8217;s overseas adventures, President Obama initiated a strategy of reconciliation with the country&#8217;s enemies, focusing on Arab states and the Muslim world. Pledged to reduce the US footprint in foreign conflicts, the President of the United States adopted a policy of appeasement based on the precept that “it is better to be loved than to be feared.”</p>
<p>This policy, which is hastening the voluntary disintegration of the Western sphere of influence, is creating a vacuum into which old and new powers moved with incredible alacrity, led by realpolitik statesmen with scant regard to Western sensibilities, undeterred from using force to attain their goals. In the Middle East, in Africa, and in Asia, state actors such as Russia and China, as well as fundamentalist and terrorist groups such as the Taliban or Al-Shabaab, have moved in. Even in parts of South America – America&#8217;s &#8220;back yard&#8221; – the United States is being left behind.</p>
<p>Yet, as gentle and as troubling as the President&#8217;s approach towards the West&#8217;s adversaries has become, it is increasingly tougher with America&#8217;s allies, striking a blow to their interests. All over the world, dismayed friends of the United States have been required to bow to their opponents and to relinquish national security principles they consider fundamental to their survival. Decreeing that his approach would transform anti-American wolves into lambs, the leader of the free world is treating loyal allies as vassals, not only abandoning them to the maelstrom unleashed by his retreat, but handcuffing them by his policy of appeasement. Kept in containment, they remain as wounded soldiers abandoned on the battlefield.</p>
<p>Current US policy may be summarized by a new term, “Whirlfall” – a kind of &#8220;perfect storm&#8221; formed by the whirlpool generated by the United States&#8217; declining global presence that is reinforced by the windfall that America&#8217;s global rivals are reaping from US-imposed policy restrictions on its allies.</p>
<p>Sooner or later, confrontations will start between those rival new great powers, in their quest for strategic interests and natural resources. Unhampered by scruples, they will be free to wreak war, death and misery in the arenas vacated by America – until, inevitably, they become strong enough and confident enough to raise a frontal challenge to the democratic West itself.</p>
<p>Then, with freedom, liberalism, democracy and its pursuit of happiness under threat, America will have no option but to respond.  It will have to fight to reestablish its security perimeter and reassert its interests – but from a position of self-imposed weakness with its associated additional cost in lives and resources.</p>
<p>But to whom will Washington be able to turn for help? Sucked into the raging whirlpool, America&#8217;s allies will be hamstrung in their attempts to sustain themselves as their rivals nibble at every piece of the cake left to them.  Not only will they have little strength to join in a reassertion of Western interests – they will be wary of placing their trust again in their unreliable former ally.</p>
<p>By the time Washington wakes up, the &#8220;whirlfall&#8221; will be at America&#8217;s door.  But how many of its allies will answer the call when the West needs them most?</p>
<p><em>Jérôme Vitenberg is a political analyst with a special interest in international affairs. He has taught political science and International relations for the London School of Economics through the University of London&#8217;s International Programs at DEI College, Greece.</em></p>
<p><b>Freedom Center pamphlets now available on Kindle: </b><a href="http://www.amazon.com/s/ref%3dnb_sb_noss?url=search-alias%3Ddigital-text&amp;field-keywords=david+horowitz&amp;rh=n:133140011%2ck:david+horowitz&amp;ajr=0#/ref=sr_st?keywords=david+horowitz&amp;qid=1316459840&amp;rh=n:133140011%2ck:david+horowitz&amp;sort=daterank" target="_blank"><b>Click here</b></a><b>. </b></p>
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