More disturbing revelations about the activities of Grover Norquist and Suhail Khan.
Frontpage Interview's guest today is Paul Sperry, a Hoover Institution media fellow and author of Infiltration and Muslim Mafia. The latter, co-authored with P. David Gaubatz, exposes the radical Muslim Brotherhood and its fronts in the United States.
FP: Paul Sperry, welcome to Frontpage Interview.
Sperry: Always a pleasure, Jamie. Quick congratulations on another commendable work, Showdown With Evil.
FP: Thank you Paul.
I would like to talk to you today about how the Muslim Brotherhood penetrates the Republican Party and especially the latest disturbing evidence you have on Grover Norquist and Suhail Khan in this context. As you know, David Horowitz called out both Khan and Norquist on this issue in his speech at CPAC on Feb. 12, 2011.
First, let's begin with your knowledge of the Muslim Brotherhood's penetration of the United States in general and what you know about it its front groups on our soil.
Sperry: Thanks Jamie.
As you know, the Brotherhood is a worldwide jihadist movement based in Cairo. It's the parent of Hamas and al-Qaida and the source of most of the jihadist ideology and related terror throughout the world today. After 9/11, FBI agents discovered the founding archives of its U.S. operations during a raid of a terrorist suspect's home in Annandale, Va. The secret papers revealed that the Brotherhood, which was set up in America with millions in Saudi cash, has a plan to "destroy" America and other Western nations "from within," and is using its agents and front groups in the U.S. to carry out that strategy.
The secret papers also revealed that virtually every major Muslim group in America is a front for the radical Brotherhood, and they've raised millions of dollars for Hamas and al-Qaida right here inside America. They also control most of the major mosques, including the 9/11 mosque just outside Washington that found housing for some of the hijackers and helped prepare them for their martyrdom operation.
FP: What's been done about them?
Sperry: Until recent years, their leaders operated with virtual impunity. But 9/11 broke the PC handcuffs on investigators. Several major U.S. Brotherhood figures -- including Abdurahman Alamoudi, Shukri Abu Baker, Mohammad El-Mezain, Anwar Awlaki, Sami al-Arian -- are now either behind bars or dead. Major front groups have been blacklisted as unindicted co-conspirators. And a key front, CAIR (Council on American-Islamic Relations), which we expose in our book, has been banned by the FBI from outreach functions and stripped by the IRS of its nonprofit status following our investigation. But the handcuffs haven't come off completely.
FP: How haven¹t the handcuffs come off completely?
Sperry: The Islamic Society of North America is the leading edge of the Brotherhood movement here, yet it remains a formal outreach partner of the government even though ISNA was implicated in a criminal scheme to funnel over $12 million to Hamas terrorists. Its president, in fact, just spoke at a Justice Department conference on "post-9/11 discrimination." Mohamed Magid also prayed with Obama in the White House. It's not just Obama though. I've seen the matrix with all the names of the leaders in the U.S. Brotherhood's Shurah Council. They include people Bush prayed with after 9/11. The enemy has been inside the wire for quite some time. It's just making deeper inroads now.
Sperry: Let me start with some background regarding Norquist. Though he's known as the Beltway's top antitax lobbyist, he's also a paid lobbyist for enemies of the United States. Prior to 9/11, he was bankrolled by the General Masul of the U.S. Brotherhood -- the same Alamoudi I mentioned earlier -- who also happened to be al-Qaida's top bagman in America.
Sperry: A July 14, 2005, U.S. Treasury Department press release stated: "According to information available to the U.S. government, the September 2003 arrest of Alamoudi was a severe blow to al-Qaida, as Alamoudi had a close relationship with al-Qaida and had raised money for al-Qaida in the United States."
In addition, I asked an FBI official who worked the Alamoudi case to elaborate on the information cited in the Treasury statement. He told me (as I reported in Muslim Mafia) that at the time of Alamoudi's arrest, U.S. intelligence had intercepted al-Qaida chatter out of Saudi Arabia lamenting that "one of our main financiers has been taken out."
I have no evidence Norquist knew Alamoudi was laundering Saudi cash for al-Qaida at the time he was taking his own cash from him. But he knew Alamoudi was, at a minimum, making statements in support of terrorists. Now his financier and silent partner is sitting behind bars as a convicted terrorist.
FP: What kind of money changed hands?
Sperry: As I reported in my first book, "Infiltration,” Norquist's old lobbying firm, Janus-Merritt, was a registered agent for Alamoudi, and received some $40,000 from that dubious client. (Norquist and his Muslim partner at the firm also represented the Pakistani government on military aid.) In addition, Alamoudi gave Norquist at least $20,000 in seed money to start up an outwardly Republican front for the Brotherhood called the Islamic Free Market Institute, which was run by Alamoudi's deputy and later appeared on a JTTF threat matrix.
FP: And that's when Khan enters the picture?
Sperry: Right. Alamoudi sponsored Khan -- Khan being the eldest son of one of the founding fathers of the Brotherhood in America. Norquist got Khan into the Bush White House as the gatekeeper for Muslims, whereupon he got al-Arian and other senior Brotherhood figures past security.
FP: What were they trying to do?
Sperry: The top of their agenda was convincing the president to eliminate the Justice Department's use of undisclosed evidence in deportation cases against Arabs suspected of terrorism. On the eve of 9/11, Norquist personally went to the Hill and lobbied to, in his words, "get rid of the secret evidence laws which have been used to discriminate against Muslims and Arabs in this country." After 9/11, he and his Islamic Institute lobbied against the Patriot Act. He didn't miss a beat trying to deny law enforcement the tools they need to crack down on Muslim terrorists, even after they slaughtered 3,000 Americans and attacked the Pentagon.
FP: Where's Khan now?
Sperry: Thanks to Norquist's sponsorship, Khan has also been able to infiltrate other Republican circles, including the American Conservative Union. Meanwhile, he's teamed up with Imam Mohamed Magid, Obama's Muslim outreach partner, to do interfaith outreach with evangelical Christian leaders in the South.
FP: How is that possible?
Sperry: What Norquist does, and this is truly sinister business, is dress up Brotherhood agents who underwrite him as patriotic conservatives in order to give them political cover and gain the trust of the GOP establishment. Then with the backing of duped party leaders secured, he promotes these neo-Islamists to positions of power inside government.
His latest project is Imad "David" Ramadan.
FP: Tell us about him.
Sperry: Well, he's running for the Virginia state legislature with breathless boosterism from Norquist, which is your first red flag. Last year, Ramadan signed an open letter to Republicans in support of the Ground Zero mosque. He signed it with Khan and Norquist's wife, who happens to be a Palestinian Muslim.
There are other red flags. Ramadan, who's a Lebanese immigrant, is a shadowy figure with suspicious holes in his resume. He says he's involved in various "consulting" businesses in the Middle East. He also processes U.S. visas and green cards for Muslim immigrants. But the source of his sudden wealth is largely unknown for someone who declared bankruptcy. He's given large sums of cash to GOP officials, to shore up their support, as well as to his own campaign.
Based on who's been donating to his campaign, Ramadan would represent the interests of Islamists should he win the Northern Virginia seat he's running for. Of particular note from the long list of his Muslim contributors is a $5,000 political donation he received from something called the Virginia Muslim PAC. Its president is Mukit Hossain. Turns out Hossain also runs a charitable front for the Muslim Brotherhood in Herndon, Va., called FAITH. A few years ago, Wachovia bank closed FAITH's accounts due to suspicious activity related to possible money-laundering. A year earlier, the so-called charity received a $150,000 donation from Brotherhood leader and Saudi bagman M. Yacub Mirza, whose home and offices were raided by the feds after 9/11. Hossain keeps his FAITH office in the same raided building. Hossain's benefactor was close to Alamoudi before Alamoudi landed in the slammer.
FP: The evidence?
Sperry: According to a federal affidavit (unsealed Oct 2003) for a search warrant of Mirza's Herndon, Va., residence and offices, Mirza is president of SAAR Foundation, a suspected charitable front for al-Qaida founded by Saudi billionaire Sulaiman Abdul Aziz Al-Rajhi (S.A.A.R.), one of the original Golden Chain sponsors of bin Laden.
According to page 53 of the affidavit, written by special agent David C. Kane: "I believe that one source of funds flowing through (Mirza's offices) is from the wealthy Al-Rajhi family in Saudi Arabia." He cites one transaction of $3,388,000, along with others in the millions. The affidavit says Mirza has "signatory authority" over the bank accounts. SAAR had an active account with Wachovia before closing it within weeks of the 9/11 attacks. Some checks also were drawn on a bank account in the name of Al-Rajhi Banking and Investment Corp., Riyadh, Saudi Arabia.
Now let's tie it all together: Hossain serves on the board of a nearby mosque run by imam Magid, the ISNA chief working with Khan and Obama. This Ramadan donor is also active in the Muslim American Society, which prosecutors say is a key node in the Muslim Brotherhood's network here.
Another Muslim listed as a donor to Ramadan's campaign is Norquist protege Ali Tulbah, who replaced Khan at the White House when Khan landed a high-level spot at the Transportation Department. Tulbah's father helps run a Brotherhood mosque in Houston.
FP: So Ramadan is part of the same Islamist influence operation run out of Grover's office?
Sperry: You got it.
FP: How dangerous is Grover Norquist?
Sperry: Very dangerous. Here you have a "conservative" who built the Trojan Horse that the enemy is using to infiltrate, sabotage and destroy the U.S. from within. Norquist is helping the U.S. Brotherhood accomplish the "Grand Jihad" spelled out in its founding archives. In fact, he's helping pull them through the gates. I think it's fairly plain now that he knows he's undermining U.S. security, and that he's doing so in a time of war.
FP: So why is he still accepted in conservative circles?
Sperry: Some Republican leaders are starting to speak out publicly against him, lawmakers like Coburn and Wolf (although Wolf endorsed his protégé Ramadan after Ramadan gave him $4,700 in campaign cash). But others still see him as just a small-government libertarian who wants to widen the GOP tent. Make no mistake: Norquist is not some random deficit hawk eyeing the bloated defense budget for cuts. Nor is he some innocuous misguided Ron Paul dove. He's something far different, far more pernicious. He's virulently anti-military, anti-borders, anti-security. He's a saboteur aiding and abetting groups hostile to U.S. interests. And now that he's married to a Muslim, I doubt money is the only motivating factor behind his decidedly anti-American behavior.
If by now Republicans can't smell a rat -- a Pied Piper of rats, no less -- they have failed miserably in their constitutional duty to "defend the constitution from all enemies foreign and domestic." If the Republican Party can't stop an Islamist Fifth Column within its own ranks, my word, we're all doomed.
FP: What's the status of CAIR's "trespassing" suit against your co-author and his son, Chris, who snuck behind enemy lines as a CAIR intern and walked out with boxes of incriminating evidence that CAIR ordered him to shred?
Sperry: The most extraordinary thing about that complaint -- and so far only Politico.com has picked up on this angle -- is that CAIR never defends itself against the book's claims, never alleges libel. It stipulates everything in "Muslim Mafia" to be true -- which is why in its complaint, it seeks to confiscate all copies of "Muslim Mafia" in an attempt to censor the book. Of course, it cannot dispute its own internal documents, which are so damning that federal prosecutors have seized them, several boxes full, as part of a grand jury investigation of CAIR. Still, it's highly newsworthy given the seriousness of the charges in the book.
CAIR has hit several potholes in filing its case. First it filed under a false name and had to refile. Then it ran out of money and had to replace its outside lawyers with a CAIR legal staffer who has a glaring personal conflict, given her role in overseeing the destruction of evidence Chris tried to preserve while working inside CAIR's offices. Then CAIR failed to produce for the court a confidentiality agreement it claims Chris signed. Even so, the Clinton-appointed judge, who has ruled in favor of Gitmo detainees, has let the case go forward, and the defense is looking forward to deposing CAIR leaders. It will be the first time Nihad Awad, for one, will have to explain, under oath, why he attended a secret meeting with Hamas leaders in Philly just months before forming CAIR.
What's more, CAIR's executive director will have to explain why CAIR, if it's not Hamas, would appear on a Hamas meeting agenda. The smoking-gun exhibit is reproduced in the appendix of "Muslim Mafia." It's a 1994 meeting agenda listing CAIR among member "organizations" of the U.S. "Palestine Committee" of Hamas. CAIR was put in charge of "coordination" among the Hamas front groups.
This document -- in addition to others, including ones unearthed from CAIR's own files -- speaks materially to CAIR being founded by Hamas, controlled by Hamas, and carrying out Hamas' agenda inside the United States. So stay tuned for the deposition transcripts.
FP: Paul Sperry, thank you for joining Frontpage Interview.
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