Gingrich's strategy of turning the Democratic Party’s embrace of radical Saul Alinsky into a liability for the Left.
“Of no other occupant of the White House can it be said that he owed his understanding of the political process to a man and a philosophy so outside the American mainstream, or so explicitly dedicated to opposing it.”
-- “Barack Obama’s Rules for Revolution: The Alinsky Model” by David Horowitz
When Newt won the battle of South Carolina, he also laid out the stakes for the larger conflict beyond the primaries and even beyond the election. It is the battle for the soul of America. In the 2004 election, John Edwards borrowed James P. Cannon’s Two Americas metaphor to showcase his vision of a divided nation.
“Today under George W. Bush, there are two Americas, not one. One America does the work, while another America reaps the reward,” Edwards said. And south of the North Carolina senator’s old seat, Gingrich expressed another and truer vision of the two Americas:
I believe the debate we're going to have with President Obama over the next eight or nine months will be the outlining of the two Americas. The America of the Declaration of Independence, the America of Saul Alinsky. The America of paychecks. The America of food stamps. The America of independence. The America of dependence.
As Obama embarks on an election strategy that makes class into the pivot of a divided nation, Newt shifted the debate from the pivot of class to the pivot of opportunity. The descent of the Democratic Party into the depths of class warfare demagoguery marks the final phase of their transformation into the Alinsky Party. A party whose sole electoral strategy is its economic divisiveness, rather than opportunity creation.
Gingrich had not only turned a radical left-wing metaphor on its head, he pointed it directly at the enemy and framed the Two Americas as a choice between Alinsky’s America and our America. It is a theme that David Horowitz and the David Horowitz Freedom Center have introduced into the national dialogue; warning early on of the revolutionary left’s exploitation of the Alinsky model and its consequences for the future prosperity of our nation under an avid practitioner of it.
In 2009, David Horowitz wrote, “Barack Obama’s Rules for Revolution: The Alinsky Model” which explored the ideas of Alinsky and their incorporation into the battle strategy for radical social change of the Obama administration. Before there was a Chicago community organizer in the White House, a Chicago community organizer named Saul Alinsky had written the map that would take his latter day successor from small time social justice shakedowns all the way to the biggest social justice power grab since the days of Mao and Lenin.
When Obama took office, the bust of Churchill was removed from the Oval Office, but White House spokesman Jay Carney has refused to deny the ongoing rumors that a portrait of Saul Alinsky does hang in the White House, saying only that “The President’s background as a community organizer is well documented in his own books. His experience in that field contributed to who he is today.”
And that much is certainly true. As documented in “Barack Obama’s Rules for Revolution: The Alinsky Model,” Obama was hired by the Alinsky team as a Chicago community organizer. His mentors were the products of the Alinsky organization and he learned so well at their feet that he went on to teach his own workshop on the Alinsky method.
In the opening lines of the Communist Manifesto Karl Marx wrote, “A spectre is haunting Europe — the spectre of communism.” Today it is Alinsky’s Rules for Radicals that is haunting America, and though we have access to the original text, the modern day disciples of Saul are far more reluctant than the authors of the Communist Manifesto to make their creed and agenda known.
Deception is the creed of the new radical who wraps himself in the flag while tearing it apart from the inside out. Who sings the National Anthem while knowingly mangling the words. Who uses American patriotism in the service of manufacturing a Post-American world order. This is the specter of Alinsky that we hear during each State of the Union address, which we read in the platforms of the Democratic Party and the proceedings of the Democratic-controlled Senate.
Against this radical war of lies, the strongest weapon is the truth. It is not enough to disagree with the followers of a strategy which adapts to every objection and camouflages its endgame in whatever team color will get it to the goal. It is vitally important to understand the mindset in order to understand the strategy and that is where in “Barack Obama’s Rules for Revolution: The Alinsky Model” comes in.
Gingrich’s repeated references to Alinsky have been picked up by members of the mainstream media, who, following the Alinsky model, have either ridiculed them or attempted to turn them around against him. But what is at stake is more than one man, but the exposure of a movement and the future of the nation. Gingrich’s strategy is to turn the Democratic Party’s embrace of the Alinsky model of greed, lies and power into a liability for the left. By demonstrating the limitations of their class warfare, Gingrich is forcing them to concede the essential failures of hope and change under the Obama administration.
“The centerpiece of this campaign I believe is American exceptionalism versus the radicalism of Saul Alinsky,” Gingrich said. This American exceptionalism is the positive vital resource that stands in opposition to the tyranny of power and lies that undergirds the ideological and political infrastructure of the left.
The Alinsky left’s dirtiest secret is that in the pursuit of power they have become powerful, while pretending to be agents of change; they have instead become the agents of oppression whose regulatory bureaucratic machine is repressing the forces of opportunity.
Alinsky originally named his book, “Rules for Revolutionaries” before renaming it, “Rules for Radicals.” The change was apt. The Alinskyites are radicals, but they are no longer revolutionaries. It is those who believe in American exceptionalism, who believe that men and women are entitled to the fruits of their labor, the freedom of ideas and a government that answers to the people, rather than the community organizers, who are the true revolutionaries fighting against their hold on power in the clash of the two Americas.
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