[Editor’s note: The article below is a new edition of our Disloyal Military series. To learn about our 3-Part Series on the Disloyal Military, Progressive Fascists and Racist Mayors, CLICK HERE.]
Daniel Greenfield, a Shillman Journalism Fellow at the Freedom Center, is an investigative journalist and writer focusing on the radical Left and Islamic terrorism.
“Unconscious bias,” an Air Force video warns, “can’t be seen or felt.” As the camera focuses on white personnel, an unseen minority voice claims that, “it hides itself in our unseen behaviors”.
“As Airmen in the U.S. Air Force, it’s our duty to acknowledge our biases whether we realize they exist or not,” the official video pushing critical race theory struggle sessions demands.
This is Chief of Staff Charles Q. Brown Jr’s new Air Force.
Brown, the first black Chief of Staff of the Air Force, ought to be a living symbol of opportunity. Instead, like other disloyal military leaders, including his predecessor, Chief of Staff David Goldfein, he’s smearing America, and conducting a witch hunt for imaginary racism.
The racial attack on the U.S. Force from within began with the Black Lives Matter riots.
“I am a Black man who happens to be the Chief Master Sergeant of the Air Force,” Chief Master Sergeant Kaleth Wright tweeted using his official Air Force account. “I am George Floyd…I am Philando Castile, I am Michael Brown.”
Even Minnesota Attorney General Keith Ellison admitted there was no racial element in the Floyd case and had not even tried to add to the wrongful prosecution with hate crime charges.
But Wright, the top advisor to former Air Force Chief of Staff Goldfein at the time of the Black Lives Matter race riots, suggested that he could be killed by white police officers at any moment.
“My heart starts racing like most other Black men in America when I see those blue lights behind me,” he claimed. “You don’t know the anxiety, the despair, the heartache, the fear, the rage and the disappointment that comes with living in this country… every single day.”
It made you wonder why Wright hadn’t left America for somewhere safer like Cuba.
The Air Force’s top enlisted leader smeared America, identified with criminals, and urged everyone to be angry. He ranted that he had been inspired by socialist rapper Killer Mike to pursue “plotting, planning, strategizing, organizing and mobilizing”. And together with his boss, Goldfein, they would be working on a “full and thorough independent review of our military justice system”. The review, predictably, accused the military justice system of being racist.
Shortly after Wright’s hateful Twitter rant, Air Force Chief of Staff Goldfein issued a statement calling George Floyd’s drug overdose death while resisting arrest a “national tragedy”, and demanded that all Americans be “outraged” at the police.
Goldfein went on to accuse America and the U.S. Air Force of racism, claiming that everyone was potentially guilty of “racial prejudice, systemic discrimination, and unconscious bias.” He alleged that airmen lack “liberty and justice for all” and promoted his adviser’s racial rants.
Sources told Air Force Times that Goldfein and Wright had coordinated their campaign.
Afterward Goldfein and Wright held a Facebook meeting urging commanders to engage in conversations about racism.
“Prepare for anger, some sadness, some rage,” Wright warned. He also suggested that, “For some, this won’t be enough to change their opinion.” Why the Air Force was in the business of changing the opinions of its personnel about partisan political issues was never explained.
Later that year, President Trump rejected Goldfein, who had been recommended by former Secretary of Defense Mattis as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Goldfein decided to retire and was replaced by General Charles Brown whom he had picked as his successor.
His nomination hadn’t even been confirmed when incoming Air Force Chief of Staff Brown decided to release his own video complaining that he had been a victim of racism because of a parking spot and because someone in Korea once questioned whether he was really a pilot.
Stripes magazine described a speech in which Brown “seemed to barely contain his rage” and argued “that the ideals of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution ‘that I’ve sworn my adult life to support and defend’ have not always delivered ‘liberty and equality’ to all.”
That nonsense was coming from the first black Air Force chief who is considered a leading candidate to replace General Milley as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
Brown’s insistence that he was held back because of his race was undercut by his prominent position as part of the U.S. Air Force’s ongoing push to promote minorities on the basis of race.
Would he hold the position that he does if his nomination couldn’t be sold as “historic”?
Instead of working to protect the country, the Air Force’s top leaders were acting like teenage TikTok influencers making videos accusing the country and the military that had given them so much of racism. But the performative displays of rage were just the precursor to much worse.
The report on “racial disparities” in the Air Force and the Space Force found statistical differences between white and black personnel, but cautioned that while “the data show racial disparity, it does not indicate causality“. Correlation is not causation and there was no actual racism. But the report was already distorted by using the infamous Merriam-Websterdefinition of racism as power rather than hate, implicitly suggesting only white people could be racist. And it relied on surveys of enlisted personnel rather than any actual evidence that racism existed.
That didn’t stop the Air Force brass from expanding their divisive campaign to include a witch hunt for racism against Latinos, Eskimos, Hawaiians and Asian-Americans.
“Although the data is helpful, the most important information will come directly from our Airmen and Guardians,” Acting Secretary of the Air Force John P. Roth suggested.
The data would matter much less than the surveys of perceived bias. Goldfein and Wright had encouraged members of the Air Force to believe that they had been discriminated against through the initial “conversations about racism”. Now that the perception that racism was widespread in the Air Force had been manufactured, the surveys would confirm it.
The conversations about racism had encouraged enlisted personnel to review every part of their lives and step of their careers through the worldview of systemic racism. Having been primed to see racism everywhere, their perceptions of racism would be collected as evidence of racism.
The same old trick of priming an audience long used by hack magicians and psychics was a favorite of diversity trainers who would run the scam at corporate events, presenting a few staged testimonials of racism, use them to convince the audience that racism was all around them, and then have the audience fill out a survey that would show the need for a lot more diversity training. Now the same scam was being run in the military.
Air Force Chief of Staff Brown claimed that the report contained “things I’ve actually felt”.
Feelings were now more important than facts not just on college campuses, but in the Air Force.
“Shame on us if we miss this opportunity to make a change that’s required across our Air Force to make it better, whether it’s the Air Force or the Space Force,” Brown berated.
What about actually defending America?
Air Force Magazine said that Brown and Chief of Space Operations John Raymond suggested that there “should be a balance between mission readiness and ensuring people’s voices are heard”. Mission readiness was only at best equivalent in value to conversations about racism.
And before long, mission readiness will be less important than accusing America of racism.
Like so many other institutions, the overdose death of George Floyd, a career criminal, was used to manufacture a racism crisis as a pretext for hijacking and transforming the Air Force.
The only racism crisis in the Air Force was the one created by its politically correct leaders.
Racial disparities in the Air Force are not evidence of systemic racism. If anything the Air Force has labored long before all this to promote minorities to leadership positions. Brown and Wright are both examples of men who were pushed upward through the ranks in order to create diversity. Instead of being grateful to their country, they simmer with rage over perceived slights.
What drove Brown’s rage and what horrifying acts of racism did he experience in the Air Force?
“When you get to senior levels, you have reserved parking spots around the base,” he told People Magazine. “I was in civilian clothes, I parked in a spot and someone came out and said, ‘That slot is reserved for the Pacific Air Force’s Commander.’ And I go, ‘Yeah, I know, because I am the Pacific Air Force’s Commander.’”
Someone didn’t recognize Brown when he was out of uniform and he assumed it was racism.
This is the incredible pettiness of the disloyal grievances behind Brown’s rage. This is the lived experience he’s using to justify upending the Air Force over an imaginary problem.
“We must accelerate change,” Brown declared.
The U.S. Air Force does need change. It needs to be ready to adapt to a whole new battlefield. Instead national security and military readiness are being undermined to divide airmen by race because someone didn’t realize that Brown was actually in the right parking spot.
How many careers will be ruined, how many promising pilots will be sidelined, and how badly will our military readiness be undermined to avenge General Brown’s parking spot?