It's not just ObamaCare.
Everything Obama did was a case of having to see it in action to find out what it really did. That includes Obama's dirty deal with Australia.
Under a murky pact struck between the Obama administration and then-Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull in 2016, the U.S. agreed to take in as many as 1,250 migrants that Australia was holding in offshore refugee centers, while Australia agreed to accept a smaller number of refugees in Central America as part of a U.S.-organized effort to relocate people fleeing drug-related violence. President Donald Trump tried to back out of the deal soon after taking office, prompting a heated phone conversation in which Trump said the deal made him look like “a dope” and Turnbull pleaded with him not to abandon it—one of Trump’s first foreign-policy controversies in office.
While details of the so-called people swap remain classified, the leaders’ extraordinary exchange contained a little-noticed, cryptic remark by Turnbull, one that implied Australia was doing some significant undisclosed favors for America. “Basically, we are taking people from the previous administration that they were very keen on getting out of the United States,” Turnbull told Trump, according to a transcript of the call leaked to the Washington Post. “We will take more. We will take anyone that you want us to take.”
Every Obama deal should really be declassified. This is a case in point.
The March 1, 1999, attack at the Bwindi Impenetrable National Park was shocking for its brutality. Vacationers, some on an upscale Abercrombie & Kent safari, came to the preserve to enjoy the idyllic scenery and observe the rare subspecies of mountain gorilla featured in the film Gorillas in the Mist. Tourists expecting to be awakened by the sounds of the forest instead heard gunfire and saw a band of 100 to 150 fighters—armed with AK-47 assault rifles and makeshift weapons such as spears—charging into the campground and rounding up petrified visitors.
Their captors were members of the Army for the Liberation of Rwanda, an offshoot of that country’s feared Interahamwe militia, who wanted the American and British governments to end their aid to the Tutsi-led government in Rwanda. The rebels seemed to have a plan to kill any American and British visitors they found, while sparing others.
Two women who had turned back from the march were dead. Among them was one of the Americans, Susan Miller, 42, an executive for Intel in Oregon.
“I found two of the bodies. I found Susan,” Ross said. “They were lying on the path pretty much where we had left them.” Her husband, Rob Haubner, 48, also had been killed.
Nearly all the victims had been bludgeoned. The indictment later filed in the U.S. case alleged Miller had been raped.
Three of the perps were found and brought to America. That was the first mistake.
At a March 2003 news conference at Justice Department headquarters, the Bush administration portrayed the case as striking a blow for the U.S. in the war on terrorism. "This indictment should serve as a warning," said Michael Chertoff, who was chief of the Department of Justice’s Criminal Division at the time. "Those who commit acts of terror against Americans will be hunted, captured and brought to justice."
A year and half later, the Justice Department announced that it was seeking the death penalty in the case, citing the “especially heinous, cruel and depraved” acts involving torture of the victims.
U.S. District Judge Ellen Huvelle, a Clinton appointee, took the side of the monsters. As Democrat judges always do.
Before the criminal case was even complete, defense attorneys served notice that their clients wanted asylum in the U.S.—a kind of nightmare scenario that critics of U.S. terrorism prosecutions have long warned about.
In March 2015, an array of human rights groups weighed in on behalf of the three Rwandans, warning about the dangers of allowing U.S. officials unfettered discretion to deport foreigners in similar circumstances.
By human rights groups, Politico obviously means lefty activists who are not concerned with the human rights of the victims, only of the killers.
And, as part of Obama's dirty deal with Australia, off they went. Except for one.
It’s unclear why Australia balked at taking Karake, but one reason might be an altercation he got into with a guard at the Virginia immigration detention center in September 2015, as talks about resolving the appeals were underway. “Mr. Karake became irate and attacked the guard striking him multiple times on the head with his fists. He also used a pencil to inflict wounds, as well as biting the guard,” a police report said.
The answer is simple. Sentence him to house arrest with a whole bunch of human rights activists. It's win-win, for America and Karake.
For survivors of the attack and families of the victims, emotions are still raw. “That’s just insane,” Mark Ross, an American safari leader taken hostage and beaten with bamboo canes during the attack two decades ago, said when informed of the relocation. “It’s almost like if you want to get out of a bad situation in a third-world country, murder someone from the country you want to go to and then you’ll get there—which is just so ironic.”
No, it's Democratic.