Any professor in the U.S. who utters the “N-word" even offhandedly gets cashiered instantly. Examples abound. Nowadays even using the perfectly proper term “Negro” can get an educator fired, as in the case of a Bronx teacher.
The trick to—not only keeping one's academic job—but catapulting to emeritus status apparently involves using the term "Negro” only for anti-communist black people that you lynched. I use the word “lynch” here—not in the current conservative context referring to liberal handling of Herman Cain, Allen West, Clarence Thomas, etc.—but literally, as in murdering. An example exists:
The first (victim) was a tall handsome mulatto. He stood blindfolded before the paredon (firing squad wall), his hands bound in front of him. "Muchachos," he said calmly, "The only crime you are going to commit is to kill me, because I am innocent."
I stepped into the field shouted: "Ready!..Aim!--FIRE!"...the man went down and I went up to him immediately, commanding the firing squad to order arms as I walked. There were bullet holes in his shirt and he seemed dead, but I wasted no time in putting the automatic to his head and pulled the trigger. It made a neat round hole.
Next (victim) to die was a Negro who was hauled kicking and screaming to the paredon...I told the jailers to throw him up against the wall and get out of the way...the condemned man froze in terror when he saw his executioners arrayed before him.
"READY!" My command jolted him out of his trance.
"NO!--NO!" he cried. "Do NOT Get ready." He tried to climb the wall.
"NO!" he yelled while trying to hide behind one of the execution stakes, but the gun muzzles tracked him relentlessly.
"FIRE!" He turned his head and ducked just as the guns went off. Most of the bullets struck him in profile, tearing his nose, lips, chin and most of his cheeks. His face was transformed into a raw, red mass of flesh and bone that contrasted sharply to the smooth black skin bordering it. He lay on his back with what was left of his face turned to the firing squad. Anyone that hideously blasted, I thought, had to be dead..."[W]ell," I commented to the firing squad, "it is not necessary to give to give him the tiro de gracia."
"Yes, Americano!" shouted one of my men. "He still lives! Give him the shot!" His arms and legs were twitching. His movement ceased only when a bullet from my pistol entered his skull.
The above comes from University of Florida Professor Emeritus Neill Macaulay's memoirs titled, A Rebel in Cuba, published in 1970. The judicial process these black Cubans had undergone was best described by Fidel and Che themselves:
“Judicial evidence is an archaic bourgeois detail. This is a revolution, We execute from Revolutionary conviction.” (Che Guevara, Feb. 1959)
“Legal proof is impossible to obtain against war criminals. So we sentence them based on moral conviction.” (Fidel Castro Feb. 1959)
"The whole procedure was sickening," wrote New York Times (no less) correspondent, Ruby Hart Phillips, about a trial she attended in Havana in early 1959. "The defense attorney made absolutely no defense, instead he apologized to the court for defending the prisoner."
Edwin Tetlow, Havana correspondent for London's Daily Telegraph, wrote about a “trial” by Che Guevara’s judicial dream -- team where he noticed the dozens of death sentences posted on a board -- before the trial had started.
The future professor Emeritus who gleefully carried out these death sentences continued gloating:
Escalona (a communist commander later notorious for exterminating rural Cuban rebel with Soviet arms and officers) introduced me to Fidel as "the man who is training the firing squads." Fidel threw his head back and roared with laughter. As I stretched out my hand, he grabbed me by my shoulders and gave me a bear hug. Everybody was happy. At the University (of Havana) he was known as Greaseball. To me, however, he (Fidel) was very attractive.
This attraction probably grew when Fidel Castro gifted Yankee executioner Neill Macaulay with property stolen from rightful Cuban owners under penalty of firing squad and torture chamber. More from professor Macaulay’s book:
Fidel says to give the Americano what he wants. So I selected a plot of about sixty-five acres from an immense plantation that had been jointly owned by some friends of Batista. The INRA (Che Guevara’s Instituto Nacional de Reforma Agraria) gave me virtually unlimited credit...there was no house on my land so I chose as a residence the former country home of Pepe Fraga, Batista's former chief of parking meters in Havana. Late in July my wife and infant son joined me there.
An American mercenary joins Castro and Che Guevara’s criminal band, executes (murders, actually) Cubans without trial, steals the property of Cubans at gunpoint. Then he serves for decades as Professor Emeritus of Latin American Studies at University of Florida, apparently with nobody batting an eye.
The University of Florida is a state college, so there's a good chance his salary was paid partly by his victims’ families. And again apparently nobody bats an eye.
Upon Macaulay's death in 2007 (some suspect from suicide) Leftist professor and documentarian Glenn Gebhard wrote: "He (Macaulay) was not a socialist or a communist, and he left (Cuba) after he realized he couldn't make a living...He was a man of action and really smart."
Che Guevara, whatever else we can say about him, seemed to actually believe in the Communist holy book. Macaulay apparently murdered Cubans for fun and profit.
Quite fittingly, among Professor Neill Macaulay's final academic duties was to hail a book by Castro “agent-of- influence” (also the Council on Foreign Relations Latin American “expert”) Julia Sweig as: "the best book ever written about Fidel Castro's revolutionary movement."
In the early 1960s South Carolinian Neill Macaulay briefly lost his US citizenship for serving in a foreign nation's military. Then "family friend" Strom Thurmond pulled some strings to get it back. In brief: a "good 'ole southern boy" boasts of murdering “Negroes” as a mercenary. Then among the nation’s most prominent segregationists of the time (Strom Thurmond) retrieves his U.S. citizenship. Then a southern institute of higher learning hires and honors him.
And not one liberal peeps in protest. Who but a gleeful servant of Fidel Castro and Che Guevara could get away with something like this in the eyes of U.S. media and academia?
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