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America had 9/11. Four years later, Britain had 7/7, a multi-pronged jihadist assault on London that took 52 lives and injured more than 700. In both countries, top government leaders responded to these atrocities by rushing to defend Muslims at home – and to extol the Islamic faith – even as they teamed up to topple governments in the Muslim world. The wars in Iraq and Afghanistan are now history, but in the U.S. and UK the repercussions of 9/11 and 7/7 remain.
July 7 marked the 20th anniversary of 7/7. Like the anniversaries of 9/11 in America, it was a solemn day, full of warm words in memory of the dead, in praise of individual acts of heroism, and in celebration of the national resilience that enabled the country to go on (as if anyone imagined that a G7 country could be brought down by a single terrorist act). But as is so often the case in American memorials of the victims of Islamic terrorism, the root cause of the 7/7 attacks – the ideology that motivated the jihadists – went entirely unmentioned by Britain’s leaders, who chose instead to traffic in vague, generalized denunciation of “violence” and “hate.”
In an official statement, King Charles, referencing “the tragic events of 7th July 2005,” professed that his thoughts and prayers went out to “all those whose lives were forever changed on that terrible Summer’s day.” He spoke of “senseless acts of evil” and “countless stories of extraordinary courage and compassion” and the “bravery of our emergency services, transport workers, and fellow citizens.” What he didn’t mention was the perpetrators and their beliefs. The words “Islam” and “Muslim” didn’t appear.
The closest Charles came to mentioning the Religion of Peace was at the end of his statement, when he claimed to find comfort in “the way such events rally communities together” in a “spirit of unity” and suggested that on this solemn day Brits should “reaffirm our commitment to building a society where people of all faiths and backgrounds can live together with mutual respect and understanding, always standing firm against those who would seek to divide us.”
“Communities,” as it happens, is a word used by British people in positions of power when they’re too timid to use the word “Muslims.” And that closing bit about “those who seek to divide us” is a favorite formula of British leaders who, whenever yet another Islamic atrocity takes place, wish to distract the public from the truth about the perpetrators – the fact that they were Muslims obeying Muhammed’s command to conquer the lands of the infidels in the name of Islam – and to pretend that the unnamed bad guys’ aim was not to compel the West to submit to Islamic conquest but to sow “division” between Muslims and non-Muslims.
Statements by Prime Minister Keir Starmer and London Mayor Sadiq Khan were similarly toothless. Meanwhile, the Guardian ran yet another one of those appalling articles in which the author, compelled to comment on an act of jihadist terror, chooses to wring his or her hands over the purported anti-Muslim “backlash.” After the acts of 7/7, wrote Geneva Abdul, many British Muslims were the victims of a “suspicion, isolation and hostility” that “have, for some, only worsened after decades of UK counter-terrorism policies, and a political landscape they say has allowed Islamophobia to flourish.”
Just a thought, but if some British Muslims genuinely feel that “suspicion, isolation and hostility” toward them has increased in the last 20 years, perhaps it has something to do with – oh, let’s say – the May 2013 Woolwich murder of Lee Rigby, the March 2017 Westminster Bridge attack, the May 2017 Manchester Arena bombing, the June 2017 London Bridge attack, the November 2019 London Bridge attack, and the October 2021 murder of David Amess, among other acts of jihad that have taken place on British soil. If anti-Musllm suspicion and hostility have continued to rise, perhaps it has something to do with the uncovering in recent years of innumerable so-called “grooming gangs” that have been operating in the Muslim communities of many English cities – in some cases, for decades – with the young white victims often numbering in the thousands.
In any event, Abdul’s version of the reality of the last two decades is precisely the opposite of the truth. 9/11, after which Americans should have been promptly and fully educated about the utter centrality to Islam of the doctrine of barbaric conquest, instead initiated an era during which the perpetrators of 9/11 were depicted as “brown” victims of white imperialism retaliating for centuries of white imperialism. 7/7 had much the same effect in Britain. Twenty years after 7/7, most of Britain’s major cities have Muslim mayors. And the most powerful of them all is the reprehensible Khan, who in a January appearance before the London Assembly pretended not to know what a member of that body meant when she asked him about “grooming gangs.”
Abdul refers darkly to the post-7/7 expansion in the power of British police to act against terrorism. But far from using that power to unearth, arrest, prosecute, and expel would-be Islamic terrorists, the police have preferred to go after ordinary citizens for speaking the truth about imams who praise Hamas, about mosques that instill anti-Western hatred, and about Muslim youths who (marinated in that hatred) have no compunction about committing brutal crimes against white people.
Those same police, rather than harassing innocent Muslims, have routinely overlooked even the most horrific instances of Islamic malfeasance. Like most politicians, social workers, and members of the legacy media, most British police departments chose for years to ignore the reality of the rape gangs, so fearful were they of being called racist or Islamophobic or of “disrupting community cohesion.” Rather than arrest men who had committed scores of sexual assaults, the police chose to single out the most outspoken of all of the country’s truth-tellers about Islam, Tommy Robinson – whose years-long cycle of unjust arrests, unjust prosecutions, and unjust imprisonments may finally be coming to an end if only because Elon Musk, earlier this year, went online to defend Tommy and to condemn the British establishment for its long silence on grooming gangs.
Yes, it’s dangerous for the world to rely on one person, however rich and brave, to fix all of its problems; then again, if any single individual on this planet has the wherewithal to move the ball significantly on this issue – and to inspire others to raise their voices along with him – it’s Elon. Given how far Britain has gone down the road since 7/7 in kowtowing to Islam, however, it’s hard to imagine even a dozen Elon Musks, at this point, setting things right. What Britain needs is ten million Tommy Robinsons.
I miss John Bull’s stiff upper lip.
I can’t stand Howard Coward’s quivering lower.