It was pretty late at night; I don’t really remember what exact time though. I was watching some random videos when the phone started to ring. “Don’t get out of the house. Stay put,” warned a friend calling from Delhi.
“What happened?” I asked.
“Your city is burning.”
“What?” I gasped in disbelief.
Bangalore is a peaceful place. The crowd is educated, civilized, white-collared corporate types. Riots are not part of the norm in this city of IT parks. I switched on the TV. Yes. The city was indeed engulfed in flames. The mad mob had come for Bangalore now.
The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal, with their fake narratives about my country, have convinced the world that we are a living hell for the “minorities” — the Muslims who constitute the second largest religious denomination in this country. Far from the truth, these stories are nothing but an orchestrated attempt to paint the Muslim population as a meek, orphaned and harmless segment of our society. The reporting perpetually hides atrocities perpetrated by Muslims and promulgates amplified versions of minor incidents involving a Muslim “victim” — just as the media does worldwide.
On Tuesday, August 11th, in what appears to be a pre-planned attack, a 1000-strong mob of Muslim men, raising the Islamic chants of ‘Nara-e-Taqbeer’ and ‘Allah-hu-Akbar’, descended on the streets near DJ Halli and KG Halli police station. The violent mob was armed with iron rods, sticks, petrol bombs, and other sharp objects.
It was alleged that a Hindu Dalit boy had made a derogatory post about the Prophet Mohammad; the subsequent madness sprang from it. The mad mob had gone berserk and barged into the residence of a local Member of Legislative Assembly (MLA). A separate mob of armed Muslims proceeded to attack the local police headquarters. They locked the gates from outside and pelted stones, damaged the lined-up vehicles, and then set the police station on fire. They didn’t spare the local ATMs, nor the public or private properties either.
Shopkeepers were intimidated to pull down the shutters and run for their lives. The house of the MLA was set ablaze. It turns out the Hindu Dalit boy who had made the derogatory Facebook post was the MLA’s nephew. The uprising claimed two lives, leaving at least sixty police personnel severely injured. The situation could only be brought under control after imposing section 144 throughout the riot-affected area. For the uninformed, imposing Section 144 is like calling a curfew in India.
The following day, media houses – the liberal, leftist ones – camouflaged the severity of the rioting and violence and defended the mob that had unleashed bloodshed on the streets of a major city. For the ever-secularist Indian media, the main culprit was the Hindu boy who had made a derogatory post and set the unrest into motion.
The truth that the media were striving to keep from the people was that there was no derogatory post made by the Hindu Dalit boy against Prophet Mohammad. In fact, the original Facebook post featured a pejorative representation of the Hindu Goddess of wealth and prosperity, Lakshmi. In this post, a Muslim man had uploaded despicable images of the Hindu deity with morphed images of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, showing both in objectionable positions. The post was accompanied by insulting and vulgar lyrics.
No Hindu man or woman took to the streets, baying for the blood of that Muslim man or to vandalize public property or kill others. The Hindu Dalit boy, in retaliation for the obscene images of the Hindu deity with PM Modi, made remarks about the Prophet Mohammad. The rest is history.
Crowds of thousands gathered within minutes, despite the country being in a state of semi lock-down. Muslim men and boys took to social media to organize this riot. Facebook typically allowed the clarion calls directing and mobilizing mobs for an impending riot on its platform. And yet, if I use the F-word out of frustration on Facebook, the post gets flagged and I get banned for 48 hours.
The Hindu Dalit boy was arrested. And we Hindus are not surprised. We have been following this kind of secularism in our country for over 70 years now. Yes, the rioters were arrested too. Not the entire uncountable weapon-wielding mob; just a few among them.
But did the arrest of the 150-odd rioters discourage the radicals? The very next day, Muslim political leader Shahzeb Rizvi announced a bounty of 51 lakh rupees on the head of the Hindu Dalit boy for his blasphemous act. Crowds of Muslim men huddled on the streets demanding the beheading of the boy — all this, in a secular democracy.
Westerners must have read a lot about the “intolerance” that our leftist media houses keep regurgitating about. Trust me when I tell you that, amidst all of this chaos, the truth is that the original derogatory post was made by a Muslim man dishonoring a Hindu Goddess. There hasn’t been as little as a fleeting digital outrage from the Hindus, let alone a planned assault or announcement of bounties.
This was not the first Charlie Hebdo-esque situation India had to put up with. Back in October 2018, a Hindu leader, Kamlesh Tiwari, was slaughtered in broad daylight for having uttered something that was blasphemous according to the Islamists’ code of conduct.
In 2017, Muslim groups held the town of Bashirhat, West Bengal, for ransom after a Hindu minor made a post about the Islamic prophet and the Kaaba. Police vehicles were charred and police stations went up in flames after a mob of 5000 radicals took to the streets.
The terrorizing mobs don’t wait for insulting posts about their prophet; highly combustible, this mob violence can flare up in reaction to any event or incident that ruffles their fragile sensibilities.
On June 11, 2019, a septuagenarian Muslim patient succumbed to his normal senile ailment at the Nil Ratan Sircar Medical College and Hospital located in Kolkata, West Bengal. Within minutes, trucks loaded with enraged and seething Muslim men arrived at the gates of the residential Medical College. A relative of the dead patient had organized the rampage and Facebook played a pivotal role in assembling them. The mob pounced on the medical staff, flinging stones and rods at them. The police stood like silent spectators with hands tied by the current minority-abetting state government. The doctors had to call a 7-day-long strike throughout the state, bringing the medical machinery of West Bengal to its knees.
The list of mob violence planned and carried out by the privileged minority in India is endless. Political parties don’t touch them; the media won’t criticize them. Celebrities, who thrive on riches earned from the Hindu audience, project these radicalized crowds as miserable ostracized sections that are constantly ill-treated by the majoritarian regime. There have been movies glorifying terrorism by these people; books have been authored swapping the identities of the victims and the perpetrators. The rabid anti-socials are portrayed as innocent children of poor schoolteachers as assorted journalists of international repute sit down to whitewash their crimes. The global audience, with limited access to the reality on the ground, absorb the litany of fallacies as truth.
Radhika Singh has a treasury of stories that prove how Communists and Islamists together destroy the cultural richness, historical legacy, tradition and religion of any nation. Radhika would like to be known as a Hindu Indian who represents a generation that has woken up from a 1000 years of slumber.