President Donald Trump’s second impeachment trial, which began Tuesday, could provide the turning point for his and his opponents’ legacies — though not in the way many might think.
Trump and his lawyers could use the trial to prove conclusively the existence of nationwide fraud in last year’s Presidential election. Trump thus not only would ensure acquittal in the Senate and begin his second term. He would disgrace and destroy his enemies for all time.
Ironically and unwittingly, the House of Representatives put itself in such an untenable position. The impeachment resolutionstated that for two months, Trump “repeatedly issued false statements asserting that the Presidential election results were the product of widespread fraud and should not be accepted by the American people or certified by State or Federal officials.”
The resolution also stated that on Jan. 6, during a rally while Congress met to certify Joe Biden’s ostensible election, Trump “reiterated false claims that ‘we won this election, and we won it by a landslide.’ “
In demanding impeachment, the resolution claimed Trump incited protesters to breach Capitol security — despite evidence to the contrary, as FrontPage Magazine reported in “The Ultimate Betrayal” and “Capturing the False Flag.”
Then on Feb. 4, Maryland Rep. Jamie Raskin, the lead impeachment manager, alluded to Trump’s accusations of voter fraud in a letter asking the president to testify. Raskin wrote that the president, in his lawyers’ response to the impeachment resolution, “attempted to put critical facts at issue notwithstanding the clear and overwhelming evidence of your constitutional offense.”
Since those “critical facts” concern election fraud, Trump’s lawyers have the chance to make their case. But how can those lawyers succeed if meticulous research from Sidney Powell, Mike Lindell, Peter Navarro and Jovan Hutton Pulitzer, among others, apparently failed to get national traction?
Simple. The military would have to collect irrefutable evidence of tampering, especially from foreign parties. As commander-in-chief, Trump would have the ultimate military clearance — and Trump was commander-in-chief during the election.
So how would the military collect such evidence? One way would be through the United States Space Force, which Trump made a separate military branch in December 2019.
Ten months earlier, in a policy directive for the proposed branch, Trump delineated the Space Force’s responsibilities. Duties included “deterring aggression and defending the Nation … from hostile acts in and from space.”
“The Space Force has an opportunity to pioneer safeguarding the infrastructure security of the United States, and it resides in fusing its responsibility for the hardware component with a consolidated cyber capability. Specifically, it is time to transition the national security cyber domain architecture from a combatant command into the operational mechanism of space warfighting.”
If other countries manipulated vote totals in Biden’s favor, those nations would do so by using internet connections to hack into voting machines or data repositories in the cloud. In his report, Pulitzer wrote that adjudicated ballots “can be sent off site, downloaded to Excel spreadsheets, manipulated and then re-introduced into the system” electronically.
FrontPage Magazine explored that likelihood in “The Serbian Connection.” Serbian tech specialists working for Dominion Voting Systems wrote the software for Dominion’s voting machines. The software included an algorithm that could reduce Trump’s votes, which could be manipulated from Serbia’s capital, Belgrade, where Dominion has an office.
Powell also asserted foreign interference Nov. 20 when she said on Howie Carr’s radio show in Boston that Serbia, China, Iran and Liechtenstein played key roles.
So the Space Force’s satellites and tech specialists would be able to explore the cloud and various servers, find suspicious activity, decipher the accurate vote totals and determine who acted when, where and how.
Moreover, as a separate military branch, the Space Force could work with other federal agencies without interference from other branches. As the Space Force’s proposed policy directive stated:
“The Secretary of Defense and the Director of National Intelligence shall create and enhance mechanisms for collaboration between the Department of Defense and the United States Intelligence Community in order to increase unity of effort and the effectiveness of space operations.”
Trump then could view the cyber evidence in real time in a Sensitive Compartmented Information Facility, as FrontPage Magazine suggested in “Beijing Is Called For Biden,” which also reported how Trump tried to repel foreign interference.
Trump made federal election tampering a national security issue, and gave oversight authority to the Department of Homeland Security, which would work with the Department of Justice. In November 2018, Trump created the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) within the DHS to keep civilian networks from being hacked.
Two months earlier, Trump declared a national emergency because “the proliferation of digital devices and internet-based communications has created significant vulnerabilities and magnified the scope and intensity of the threat of foreign interference,” stated his executive order. That order amplified his ability to gather information through the Secretary of Defense and the Director of National Intelligence, among other officers in the executive branch.
Last Nov. 2, the DOJ announced it would monitor voting and tabulating in 44 counties in 18 states with the National Guard’s help. The announcement included jurisdictions in Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Minnesota, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, sites of the biggest disputes.
But if malevolent parties hacked voting machines and software, that means all the safeguards failed, right? Not necessarily.
What if Trump allowed the hacking to take place so he could trap the responsible parties and their benefactors, foreign and domestic?
Why would he do that? To deal the ultimate death blow to the “deep state,” the collection of entrenched politicians and bureaucrats who sacrifice the nation’s founding principles on the altar of personal ambition. Trump has based his entire approach to politics on that goal.
So if cyber evidence shows that Biden or any other American colluded with foreign governments to rig the election, they risk being charged with treason and sedition.
If such an idea sounds like it came from a bad spy novel or crime drama, consider the following.
First, neither of Trump’s impeachment lawyers, Bruce Castor and David Schoen, are experts in Constitutional law. Castorspecializes in civil cases while Schoen deals in violations of civil rights and voting rights. Schoen even consulted with former Vice President Al Gore’s legal team in the controversy over Florida’s votes in the 2000 Presidential election.
Second, Trump expressed an unreserved resolve to punish theft in his 1987 book, “The Art of the Deal”:
“My philosophy has always been that if you ever catch someone stealing, you have to go after him very hard, even if it costs you 10 times more than he stole. Stealing is the worst.”
If the Space Force has irrefutable evidence of electoral fraud, and if Trump’s lawyers present it during his trial, he not only would have survived impeachment for a second time. He not only would have started his second term and devastated his political enemies.
Trump would have directed the most extraordinary and vital sting operation in American history.