“I am reporting an ‘urgent concern’ in accordance with the procedures outlined in 50 U.S.C. §3033(k)(5)(A). This letter is UNCLASSIFIED when separated from the attachment.
In the course of my official duties, I have received information from multiple U.S. Government officials that the President of the United States is using the power of his office to solicit interference from a foreign country in the 2020 U.S. election. This interference includes, among other things, pressuring a foreign country to investigate one of the President’s main domestic political rivals. The President’s personal lawyer, Mr. Rudolph Giuliani, is a central figure in this effort. Attorney General Barr appears to be involved as well.”
So reads the first paragraph of an August 12, 2019 letter to Richard Burr and Adam Schiff, of the Senate and House intelligence committees. The unnamed author was proclaimed “the whistleblower,” and the centerpiece of the 2879-word opus was President Trump’s July 25, 2019 telephone call to Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskiy.
The letter mentioned ambassadors Kurt Volker and Gordon Sondland, who would subsequently testify in public hearings along with former ambassador to Ukraine Marie Yovanovitch. The witnesses provided ample evidence of their own incompetence but were unable to cite any crime President Trump might have committed.
As with the Russia hoax, a belch from Hillary Clinton, the impeachment attempt failed. The identity of the whistleblower, supposedly a CIA agent, was protected start to finish. As this confirmed, a government insider can advance a bogus narrative aimed at taking down the president of the United States and emerge completely unscathed. That offered hope to legitimate whistleblowers exposing actual violations and crimes in the vast reaches of the federal government.
FBI bosses James Comey and Peter Strzok were public figures but the Midyear Exam and Crossfire Hurricane operations required wider FBI and DOJ participation. For an eager whistleblower, sworn to uphold the law, those agencies were a happy hunting ground for figures such as Bruce Ohr.
Why was a high DOJ official embedded with Fusion GPS, the Democrats’ fabricator of the bogus “dossier” on Donald Trump? Ohr’s Sovietophile wife Nellie spoke Russian and also worked for Fusion GPS. In 2016, Nellie suddenly obtained an amateur radio operator’s license, ideal for back-channel communications with foreign sources.
Under questioning from Congress in 2018, Nellie refused to answer questions about husband Bruce, Fusion GPS and so forth, claiming spousal privilege. If a whistleblower had provided a transcript of Nellie’s radio messages and other communications, the closed-door hearing might have yielded some answers. The same goes for husband Bruce, who conveniently resigned last September, shortly before a disciplinary review. Beyond the DOJ and FBI, the vast public health agencies offer any whistleblower a target-rich environment.
In 2014, the National Institutes of Health banned dangerous “gain of function research,” which according to the NIH’s Office of Science Policy can “enhance the pathogenicity or transmissibility of potential pandemic pathogens (PPPs)” and raise “biosafety and biosecurity concerns.” National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID) boss Anthony Fauci MD, funded the Wuhan Institute of Virology (WIV) in Communist China, where gain of function research could be conducted in secret.
A qualified whistleblower, perhaps with a PhD in molecular biology, would understand that nothing good could emerge from gain of function research in a Communist lab. The whistleblower could monitor all communications between Fauci’s NIAID and the WIV. After all, if a CIA agent can eavesdrop on the president of the United States, a public health bureaucrat should not be off limits.
The CDC’s vaunted Epidemic Intelligence Service, tasked with preventing dangerous viruses from arriving on American soil, failed to do so in the case of the virus that causes COVID-19. An honest whistleblower could help explain that failure to the people. Whistleblowers could also have been alert for false positive tests, fake death reports, and fraud in the billions of dollars spent on COVID relief. A whistleblower might have alerted authorities before politicians like Andrew Cuomo forced elderly patients into nursing homes.
That would have saved many lives, but few if any whistleblowers acted in time. Embattled Americans might wonder what could account for such lethargy and negligence. In a regime of white coat supremacy strict conformity is doubtless expected. On the other hand, potential whistleblowers cannot discount darker possibilities.
In 2016, Department of Homeland Security whistleblower Phillip Haney authored See Something Say Nothing: A Homeland Security Officer Exposes the Government’s Submission to Jihad. Haney was reportedly planning another book but in late February of 2020 somebody shot him dead in Amador County, California. The Amador sheriff turned the investigation over to the FBI, which has yet to issue a report on the shooting. As of July 22, 2020, the Amador sheriff is still waiting.
If Phillip Haney’s loved ones thought the FBI posed a threat to whistleblowers it would be hard to blame them. Such threats could account for the failure of whistleblowers to come forward, even with government waste, fraud and corruption surging on every hand. Meanwhile, the greatest whistleblower of them all is Donald J. Trump. His successful presidency revealed a corrupt deep state deployed against the people and adverse to investigating itself.
Despite the efforts of U.S. Attorney John Durham, supposedly a man of great integrity, Comey and Strzok escaped with no criminal charges. FBI lawyer Kevin Clinesmith falsified data about Carter Page, a serious felony. Clinesmith got off with no prison time courtesy of judge James Boasberg, who doubles as head of the FISA court the FBI deceived in their quest to spy on American citizens.
The FBI, now effectively the American KGB, can target Americans with impunity. As Trump likes to say, we’ll have to see what happens.